Montgomery, Alabama,
February 18, 1861
Gentlemen of the
Congress of the Confederate States of America, Friends and Fellow Citizens:
Called to the difficult
and responsible station of Chief Executive of the Provisional Government that
you have instituted, I approach the discharge of the duties assigned to me with
an humble distrust of my abilities, but with a sustaining confidence in the
wisdom of those who are to guide and aid me in the administration of public
affairs, and an abiding faith in the virtue and patriotism of the people.
Looking forward to the
speedy establishment of a permanent government to take the place of this, and
which, by its greater moral and physical power, will be better able to combat
with the many difficulties which arise from the conflicting interests of
separate nations, I enter upon the duties of the office, to which I have been
chosen, with the hope that the beginning of our career, as a Confederacy, may
not be obstructed by hostile opposition to our enjoyment of the separate
existence and independence which we have asserted, and, with the blessing of
Providence, intend to maintain. Our present condition, achieved in a manner
unprecedented in the history of nations, illustrates the American idea that
governments rest upon the consent of the governed, and that it is the right of
the people to alter or abolish governments whenever they become destructive of
the ends for which they were established.
The declared purpose of
the compact of the union from which we have withdrawn was "to establish
justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote
the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
posterity;" and when in the judgment of the sovereign States now composing
this Confederacy it has been perverted from the purposes for which it was
ordained, and ceased to answer the ends for which it was established, a
peaceful appeal to the ballot-box, declared, that so far as they were
concerned, the government created by that compact should cease to exist. In
this they merely asserted the right which the Declaration of Independence of
1776 defined to be inalienable. Of the time and occasion of this exercise they,
as sovereigns, were the final judges, each for itself. The impartial,
enlightened verdict of mankind will vindicate the rectitude of our conduct; and
He, who knows the hearts of men, will judge of the sincerity with which we
labored to preserve the government of our fathers in its spirit. The right
solemnly proclaimed at the birth of the States, and which has been affirmed and
reaffirmed in the bills of rights of the States subsequently admitted into the
Union of 1789, undeniably recognizes in the people the power to resume the
authority delegated for the purposes of government. Thus the sovereign States,
here represented, proceeded to form this Confederacy; and it is by the abuse of
language that their act has been denominated a revolution. They formed a new
alliance, but within each State its government has remained, and the rights of
person and property have not been disturbed. The agent through whom they
communicated with foreign nations is changed, but this does not necessarily
interrupt their international relations.
Sustained by the
consciousness that the transition from the former Union to the present
Confederacy has not proceeded from a disregard on our part of our just
obligations, or any failure to perform every constitutional duty; moved by no
interest or passion to invade the rights of others; anxious to cultivate peace
and commerce with all nations, if we may not hope to avoid war, we may at least
expect that posterity will acquit us of having needlessly engaged in it. Doubly
justified by the absence of wrong on our part, and by wanton aggression on the
part of others, there can be no use to doubt the courage and patriotism of the
people of the Confederate States will be found equal to any measures of defence
which honor and security may require.
An agricultural people,
whose chief interest is the export of a commodity required in every
manufacturing country, our true policy is peace and the freest trade which our
necessities will permit. It is alike our interest, and that of all those to
whom we would sell and from whom we would buy, that there should be the fewest
practicable restrictions upon the interchange of commodities. There can be but
little rivalry between ours and any manufacturing or navigating community, such
as the North-eastern States of the American Union. It must follow, therefore,
that a mutual interest would invite good-will and kind offices. If, however,
passion or lust of dominion should cloud the judgment or inflame the ambition of
those States, we must prepare to meet the emergency, and maintain, by the final
arbitrament of the sword, the position which we have assumed among the nations
of the earth. We have entered upon the career of independence, and it must be
inflexibly pursued. Through many years of controversy with our late associates,
the Northern States, we have vainly endeavored to secure tranquillity, and
obtain respect for the rights to which we were entitled. As a necessity, not a
choice, we have resorted to the remedy of separation, and henceforth our
energies must be directed to the conduct of our own affairs, and the perpetuity
of the Confederacy which we have formed. If a just perception of mutual
interest shall permit us peaceably to pursue our separate political career, my
most earnest desire will have been fulfilled; but if this be denied to us, and
the integrity of our territory and jurisdiction be assailed, it will but remain
for us, with firm resolve, to appeal to arms and invoke the blessing of
Providence on a just cause.
As a consequence of our
new condition, and with a view to meeting anticipated wants, it will be
necessary to provide for the speedy and efficient organization of the Executive
Department, having special charge of foreign intercourse, finance, military
affairs, and the postal service.
For purposes of
defense, the Confederate States may, under ordinary circumstances, rely mainly
upon the militia; but it is deemed advisable, in the present condition of
affairs, that there should be a well-instructed and disciplined army, more
numerous than would usually be required for a peace establishment. I also
suggest that, for the protection of our harbors and commerce on the high seas,
a navy adapted to those objects will be required. These necessities have
doubtless engaged the attention of Congress.
With a Constitution
differing only from that of our fathers, in so far as it is explanatory of
their well-known intent, freed from the sectional conflicts which have
interfered with the pursuit of the general welfare, it is not unreasonable to
expect that States, from which we have recently parted, may seek to unite their
fortunes with ours under the government which we have instituted. For this your
Constitution makes adequate provision; but beyond this, if I mistake not the
judgment and will of the people, a reunion with the States from which we have
separated is neither practicable nor desirable. To increase the power, develop
the resources, and promote the happiness of the Confederacy, it is requisite
that there should be so much of homogeneity that the welfare of every portion
shall be the aim of the whole. Where this does not exist, antagonisms are
engendered which must and should result in separation.
Actuated solely by a
desire to preserve our own rights, and to promote our own welfare, the
separation of the Confederate States has been marked by no aggression upon
others, and followed by no domestic convulsion. Our industrial pursuits have
received no check; the cultivation of our fields has progressed as heretofore;
and even should we be involved in war, there would be no considerable
diminution in the production of the staples which have constituted our exports,
in which the commercial world has an interest scarcely less than our own. This
common interest of producer and consumer can only be intercepted by an exterior
force, which should obstruct its transmission to foreign markets--a course of
conduct which would be detrimental to manufacturing and commercial interests
abroad. Should reason guide the action of the Government from which we have
separated, a policy so detrimental to the civilized world, the Northern States
included, could not be dictated by even the strongest desire to inflict injury
upon us; but if otherwise, a terrible responsibility will rest upon it, and the
suffering of millions will bear testimony to the folly and wickedness of our
aggressors. In the meantime, there will remain to us, besides the ordinary
remedies before suggested, the well-known resources for retaliation upon the commerce
of an enemy.
Experience in public
stations, of subordinate grade to this which your kindness has conferred, has
taught me that care, and toil, and disappointment, are the price of official
elevation. You will see many errors to forgive, many deficiencies to tolerate,
but you shall not find in me either a want of zeal or fidelity to the cause
that is to me highest in hope and of most eduring affection. Your generosity
has bestowed upon me an undeserved distinction--one which I neither sought nor
desired. Upon the continuance of that sentiment, and upon your wisdom and
patriotism, I rely to direct and support me in the performance of the duty
required at my hands.
We have changed the
constituent parts but not the system of our Government. The Constitution formed
by our fathers is that of these Confederate States. In their exposition of it,
and in the judicial construction it has received, we have a light which reveals
its true meaning.
Thus instructed as to
the just interpretation of the instrument, and ever remembering that all
offices are but trusts held for the people, and that delegated powers are to be
strictly construed, I will hope, by due diligence in the performance of my
duties, though I may disappoint your expectations, yet to retain, when retiring,
something of the good-will and confidence which will welcome my entrance into
office.
It is joyous, in the
midst of perilous times, to look around upon a people united in heart, where
one purpose of high resolve animates and actuates the whole, where the
sacrifices to be made are not weighed in the balance against honor, right,
liberty, and equality. Obstacles may retard--but they cannot long prevent--the
progress of a movement sanctioned by its justice and sustained by a virtuous
people. Reverently let us invoke the God of our fathers to guide and protect us
in our efforts to perpetuate the principles which, by his blessing, they were
able to vindicate, establish, and transmit to their posterity, and with a
continuance of His favor, ever gratefully acknowledged, we may hopefully look
forward to success, to peace, and to prosperity.