Copyright, 1914, by
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
Printed in the United
States of America
All Rights reserved. No
part of this book may be reproduced in any form without the permission of
Charles Scribner's Sons
NARRATIVES OF THE
WITCHCRAFT CASES
Edited by George L.
Burr
PAGE
From “An Essay for the
Recording of Illustrious Providences” (better known as “Remarkable Providences”),
by Increase Mather, 1684 1
Introduction 3
The Preface 8
Chapter V:
Preternatural Happenings in New England 17
Case of Ann Cole, of
Hartford, 1662 18
Case of Elizabeth Knap,
of Groton, 1671 21
Case of the Morses, at
Newbury, 1679-1681 23
The Tedworth Case, in
England, 1661-1663 32
Case of Nicholas
Desborough, of Hartford, 1683 33
Case of George Walton,
at Portsmouth, 1682 34
Case of the Hortados,
at Salmon Falls, 1682-1683 37
The New York Cases of Hall
and Harrison, 1665, 1670 39
Introduction 41
Case of Ralph and Mary
Hall, of Setauket, 1665 44
Case of Katharine
Harrison, 1670 48
“Lithobolia, or the
Stone-throwing Devil,” by Richard Chamberlain, 1698 53
Introduction 55
Dedicatory Letter and
Verses 58
Why the Author relates
this Stone throwing and why he believes it Witchcraft 60
The Quaker George
Walton and his Neighbors at Great Island (Ports-mouth) 61
The Beginning of the
Stone throwing (June, 1682) 62
The Author himself a
Victim 64
His Serenade and its
Sequel; the Black Cat 66
The Deviltries at Great
Bay 67
Notable Witnesses 69
The Author again an
Object of Attack 70
Injuries to Others, in
House and Field 72
The Lull in August; the
Final Stone throwing in September 76
The Author's
Conclusions 76
The Pennsylvania Cases
of Mattson, Hendrickson, and Guard, 1684, 1701 79
Introduction 81
Case of Margaret
Mattson and Gertrude Hendrickson, 1684 85
Case of Robert Guard
and his Wife, 1701 88
“Memorable Providences,
relating to Witchcrafts and Possessions,” by Cotton Mather, 1689 89
Introduction 91
Dedicatory Epistle to
the Hon. Wait Winthrop 93
The Boston Ministers “to
the Reader” 95
The Introduction 97
Case of the Goodwin
Children, at Boston, 1688-1689 99
The Goodwin Family 99
The Trouble with the
Laundress and her Mother 100
The Strange Malady of
the Children 101
The Appeal to the
Ministers and to the Magistrates; Arrest and Trial of Goody Glover 103
Her Condemnation and
Execution 105
The Continued Fits of
the Children 107
Efforts of the
Ministers to help them 109
The Author takes the
Eldest Girl to his Home; her Behavior 110
His Experiments with
her 112
Her Imaginary Journeys
114
Strange Power over her
of the Author's Study 115
The Ministers' Day of
Prayer and its Effect 118
The Author tests the
Linguistic Powers of the Demons 119
And the Power of
Scripture and Prayer to quell them 120
Their Gradual Departure
121
What the Author has
learned from it all 122
Postscript: the Devils
return, but are again dispelled by Prayer 124
Goodwin's Account of
his Children's Bewitchment 126
Case of Deacon Philip
Smith, of Hadley, 1684 131
Case of Mary Johnson,
of Hartford, 1648 135
Case of the Boy at
Tocutt (Branford) 136
Other Bewitchments 141
“A Brief and True
Narrative of Witchcraft at Salem Village,” by Deodat Lawson, 1692 145
Introduction . . . 147
“The Bookseller to the
Reader” . . . 152
The Author's Visit to
Salem Village . . . 152
The Antics of “the
Afflicted” . . . 153
Examination of Goodwife
Corey . . . 154
Goodwife Putnam's
Afflictions . . . 157
Examination of Goodwife
Nurse . . . 158
Tales told by Elizabeth
Parris, Dorcas Good, Abigail Williams, Mercy Lewis . . . 160
Goodwife Cloyse slams
the Meeting-house Door . . . 161
Extraordinary Things
about the Afflicted . . . 161
About the Accused . . .
162
Letter of Thomas
Brattle, F.R.S., 1692 . . . 165
Introduction . . . 167
His Reasons for writing
frankly . . . 169
The Procedure at Salem;
the “Afflicted” and their Evidence . . . 170
The “Confessors” . . .
173
Indictment and Trial .
. . 174
“Spectre Evidence” . .
. 176
The Executions . . .
177
Things to wonder at . .
. 177
The Troubles at Andover
. . . 180
Zeal of the Judges . .
. 182
The Doubters and their
Reasons . . . 184
Extent of the
Convictions; Hope from the impending General Court . . . 185
Efforts of certain
Ministers to check the Matter . . . 186
Further Reasons for
Hesitation . . . 187
Why the Confessions
cannot be trusted . . . 189
Letters of Governor
Phips to the Home Government, 1692, 1693 . . . 191
Introduction . . . 193
Letter of October 12,
1692: the Witch Panic as he found it, and what he did about it . . . 196
Letter of February 21,
1693: Recapitulation of his Earlier Report; how the Panic was brought to an End
. . . 198
From “The Wonders of
the Invisible World,” by Cotton Mather, 1693 . . . 203
Introduction . . . 205
The Author's Defence .
. . 210
His Relation to the
Salem Trials . . . 213
The Trial of George
Burroughs . . . 215
The Trial of Bridget
Bishop . . . 223
The Trial of Susanna
Martin . . . 229
The Trial of Elizabeth
How . . . 237
The Trial of Martha
Carrier . . . 241
“Curiosities”: I. The
Devil's Imitation of Divine Things . . . 245
II. The Witches' making
themselves and their Tools invisible . . . 246
III. The Bewitched
delivered by the Execution of the Witches . . . 248
IV. Apparitions reveal
Old Murders by the Witches . . . 249
Certificate of the
Judges to the Truth of this Account . . . 250
“A Brand pluck'd out of
the Burning,” by Cotton Mather, 1693 253
Introduction 255
The Story of Mercy
Short 259
Her Bewitchment 260
How the Devil and his
Spectres appeared to her 261
How they tormented her
263
Her Discourses to them
267
How her Tortures were
turned into Frolics 271
The Shapes worn by the
Spectres 274
Her Remarkable Answers
and Strange Knowledge of Scripture 275
The Methods used for
her Deliverance 276
Her Deliverance on New
Year's Eve 277
The Renewal of her
Troubles after Seven Weeks 278
The Strange Books
brought by the Spectres for her signing 280
The Books used at their
Witch-meetings 282
The Helpful Spirit, and
how he aided her against the Others 283
The Prayer-meetings and
her Final Deliverance 285
From “More Wonders of the
Invisible World,” by Robert Calef . . . 289
Introduction . . . 291
The Epistle to the
Reader: the Author's Reasons for his Book . . . 296
His Materials . . . 306
Cotton Mather's Letter
of Enclosure . . . 307
His Another Brand
pluckt out of the Burning (the Story of Margaret Rule) . . . 308
Introductory Anecdote
of the Devil's Appearance to an Indian . . . 308
Who Margaret Rule was;
the Beginning of her Bewitchment . . . 310
How she was tortured by
Spectres . . . 311
And by the Devil . . .
312
Her Remarkable
Fastings; how she was further tormented . . . 313
Her Strange Revelations
as to the Spectres . . . 314
The White Spirit and
his Comfortings . . . 316
Her Pastor's Efforts
for her . . . 317
Her Tormentors' Attempt
with Poppets . . . 318
The Author's Reply to
his Revilers . . . 320
The Good that has come
of the Affair . . . 322
Part II: Calef's
Correspondence with Mather . . . 324
His Letter of Jan. 11,
1694, enclosing his Journal of his Visit to Margaret Rule on Sept. 13 . . . 324
And on Sept. 19 . . .
327
And rehearsing his
earlier Letters of Sept. 29 and Nov. 24 . . . 329
Mather's Reply (Jan.
15) . . . 333
Enclosed Certificates
of Witnesses to Margaret Rule's Levitation . . . 337
Calef's Rejoinder (Jan.
18) . . . 338
Part V: The Salem
Witchcraft . . . 341
The Rev. Mr. Parris and
the Divisions at Salem Village . . . 341
The Strange Behavior of
Divers Young Persons and its Ascription to Witchcraft . . . 342
Mr. Lawson's Visit and
his Account; the Examinations of the Accused . . . 343
Mr. Lawson's Sermon;
the Solemn Fast at Salem . . . 345
The “White Man”;
Goodwife Cloyse and the Slammed Door; the Public Examination of April 11 . . .
346
The Lord's Prayer as an
Ordeal; Specimen of a Mittimus . . . 347
Arrival of Governor Phips;
the Political Events leading to it . . . 348
Mrs. Cary's Commitment
and Escape . . . 349
Captain John Alden's
Narrative . . . 353
Opening of the Special
Court at Salem (June 2) . . . 355
Bridget Bishop's Fate;
Advice of the Boston Ministers . . . 356
The Trials of June 30;
Fate of Sarah Good; of Rebecca Nurse . . . 357
The August Trials and
Executions; George Burroughs, John Willard, the Procters . . . 360
Procter's Letter to the
Ministers . . . 362
Old Jacobs and his
Grand-daughter; her Confession and Retraction . . . 364
The September Trials .
. . 366
The Coreys; Wardwell;
Mary Esty and her Letter . . . 367
Mrs. Hale accused; Mr.
Hale's Change of View 369
Seizure of the Property
of Fugitives . . . 370
Flight of George Jacobs
and Fate of his Family . . . 371
The Andover Witchcraft
. . . 371
The Gloucester
Witchcraft . . . 373
End of the Special
Court; Summary of its Work . . . 373
How the Accused were
brought to confess; Protestation of the Andover Women . . . 374
Criticism of Cotton
Mather's Account of the Trials . . . 378
The Laws in Force
against Witchcraft . . . 381
The new Superior Court
and how it dealt with the Witch Cases (Jan.-April, 1693) . . . 382
Governor Phips's
General Pardon . . . 384
The Benham Case in
Connecticut (1697); the Massachusetts Proclamation of a General Fast (Dec.,
1696) . . . 385
Judge Sewall's Public
Penitence . . . 386
The Penitence of the
Jurors . . . 387
Criticism of Cotton
Mather's Life of Phips (1697) . . . 388
And of its Author's
Teaching as to Witchcraft . . . 389
Calef's own Convictions
as to the Matter . . . 391
From “A Modest Inquiry
into the Nature of Witchcraft,” by John Hale, 1702 . . . 395
Introduction . . . 397
An Epistle to the
Reader, by John Higginson . . . 399
Mr. Hale's “Preface to
the Christian Reader” . . . 402
The Origin and Nature
of Devils . . . 406
Summary of New England
Witch Cases, 1648-1692 . . . 408
Margaret Jones; Mrs.
Lake . . . 408
Mrs. Kendal . . . 409
Mrs. Hibbins; Mary
Johnson . . . 410
The Principles acted on
in these Convictions . . . 411
Mrs. Morse; Goody
Glover . . . 412
The Salem Witchcraft;
its Beginnings . . . 413
Tituba's Confession . .
. 415
Conscientiousness of
the Judges; the Authorities used by them . . . 415
Influence of the
Confessions; their Agreement with the Accusations and with each other; their
Circumstantiality . . . 416
Specimen Confessions:
Deliverance Hobbs's . . . 417
Ann Foster's; Mary
Lacy's . . . 418
William Barker's . . .
419
Their Testimony against
themselves and against each other . . . 420
How Doubt at last was
stirred . . . 421
Wherein lay the Error .
. . 422
Like Mistakes in Other
Places . . . 424
The Application of the
Whole . . . 425
The Virginia Case of
Grace Sherwood, 1706 . . . 433
Introduction 435
Her First Trial; the
Jury of Women 438
The Appeal to the
Governor and Council; the County Court instructed to make Further Inquiry 439
Her Second Trial; the
Ducking 441
The Verdict; her
Detention for Trial by the General Court 442
Index 443
PAGE
A Brand pluck'd out of
the Burning. First page of the original manuscript, in the possession of the
American Antiquarian Society 259
Autographs of Robert
Calef and of his Son Robert. From various originals 292
Petition of Mary Esty.
From the original at the Essex County Court House, Salem 368
The earliest account of
the remarkable happenings at Salem, in the spring of 1692, which were to bring
to a climax and then to a conclusion the quest of witches in New England, was
that which here follows. The Rev. Deodat Lawson was singularly qualified to
write it. He had himself, only a little earlier (1684-1688), served as pastor
to Salem Village, the rural community in which these happenings took their
rise; and, though dissensions in the parish prevented his longer stay, he seems
to have been no party to these dissensions and must meanwhile have learned to
know the scene and all the actors of that later drama which he here depicts. He
was, too, a man of education, travel, social experience. Born in England, the
son of a scholarly Puritan minister, and doubtless educated there, he first
appears in New England in 1676, and at the time of his call to Salem Village
was making his home in Boston. Thither he returned in 1688: Samuel Sewall, who
on May 13 had him in at Sunday dinner, notes in his diary that he “came to Town
to dwell last week,” and often mentions him thereafter. How at the outbreak of
the witchpanic he came to revisit the Village and to chronicle the doings
there, he himself a dozen years later thus told his English friends:[1]
It pleased God in the Year of our Lord 1692 to visit the People at a
place called Salem Village in New-England, with a very Sore and Grievous
Affliction, in which they had reason to believe, that the Soveraign and Holy
God was pleased to permit Satan and his Instruments, to Affright and Afflict those
poor Mortals in such an Astonishing and Unusual manner.Now, I having for some
time before attended the work of the Ministry in that Village, the Report of
those Great Afflictions came quickly to my notice; and the more readily because
the first Person Afflicted was in the Minister's Family, who succeeded me,
after I was removed from them; in pitty therefore to my Christian Friends, and
former Acquaintance there, I was much concerned about them, frequently
consulted with them, and fervently (by Divine Assistance) prayed for them; but
especially my Concern was augmented, when it was Reported, at an Examination of
a Person suspected for Witchcraft, that my Wife and Daughter, who Dyed Three
Years before, were sent out of the World under the Malicious Operations of the
Infernal Powers; as is more fully represented in the following Remarks. I did
then Desire, and was also Desired, by some concerned in the Court, to be there
present, that I might hear what was alledged in that respect; observing
therefore, when I was amongst them, that the Case of the Afflicted was very
amazing, and deplorable; and the Charges brought against the Accused, such as
were Ground of Suspicions yet very intricate, and difficult to draw up right
Conclusions about them; I thought good for the satisfaction of my self, and
such of my Friends as might be curious to inquiry into those Mysteries of Gods
Providence and Satans Malice, to draw up and keep by me, a Brief Account of the
most Remarkable things, that came to my Knowledge in those Affairs; which
Remarks were afterwards, (at my Request) Revised and Corrected by some who Sate
Judges on the Bench, in those Matters; and were now Transcribed, from the same
Paper, on which they were then Written. A
narrative so timely and so vouched for must have gone speedily into print.[2]
The latest day named in it -- “the 5th of April” -- was probably the date both
of its completion and of its going to press. In 1693 it was reprinted in London
by John Dunton, who appended to it an anonymous “Further Account of the Tryals
of the New-England Witches” (an extract from “a letter from thence to a
Gentleman in London”) bringing the story to February, 1693, and to both joined
Increase Mather's Cases of Conscience (see pp. 377, 378, below),prefixing to
the volume thus made up the title: A Further Account of the Tryals of the
New-England Witches. With the Observations of a Person who was upon the Place
several Days when the suspected Witches were first taken into Examination. To
which is added, Cases of Conscience, etc.[3] In 1704 Lawson, himself now in
England, cast it into a new form as an appendix to the English edition of his
Salem sermon.[4] All names are now left out, that he “may not grieve any, whose
Relations were either Accused or Afflicted, in those times of Trouble and
Distress,” and what had been a narrative is given a statistical form under “three
Heads, viz. (1.) Relating to the Afflicted, (2.) Relating to the Accused, And
(3.) Relating to the Confessing Witches.”[5] On his own views, and the probable
trend of his influence while at Salem, light is thrown by his introductory
words:
After this,[6] I being by the Providence of God called over into
England, in the Year 1696; I then brought that Paper of Remarks on the
Witchcraft with me; upon the sight thereof, some Worthy Ministers and Christian
Friends here desired me to Reprint the Sermon and subjoyn the Remarks
thereunto, in way of Appendix, but for some particular Reasons I did then
Decline it; But now, forasmuch as I my self had been an Eye and Ear Witness of
most of those Amazing things, so far as they come within the Notice of Humane
Senses; and the Requests of my Friends were Renewed since I came to Dwell in
London; I have given way to the Publishing of them; that I may satisfy such as
are not resolved to the Contrary, that there may be (and are) such Operations
of the Powers of Darkness on the Bodies and Minds of Mankind, by Divine
Permission; and that those who Sate Judges in those Cases, may by the serious
Consideration of the formidable Aspect and perplexed Circumstances of that
Afflictive Providence be in some measure excused; or at least be less Censured,
for passing Sentance on several Persons, as being the Instruments of Satan in
those Diabolical Operations, when they were involved in such a Dark and Dismal
Scene of Providence, in which Satan did seem to Spin a finer Thred of Spiritual
Wickedness than in the ordinary methods of Witchcraft; hence the Judges
desiring to bear due Testimony against such Diabolical Practices, were inclined
to admit the validity of such a sort of Evidence as was not so clearly and
directly demonstrable to Human Senses, as in other Cases is required, or else
they could not discover the Mysteries of Witchcraft.... One can not read these words without a suspicion that the reaction
in New England against those held responsible for the procedure at Salem may
have had to do with his return to England; and even in England, it is clear,
his cause now needed defense. If any can wish him further ill, let them be
appeased by our two glimpses of his after fate -- a despairing letter in
1714,[7] begging from his New England friends meat, drink, and clothing for his
sick and starving family, and the passing phrase of a writer who in 1727,
mentioning Thomas Lawson, adds that “he was the father of the unhappy Mr.
Deodate Lawson, who came hither from New England.”[8]
But the reader should
not enter on the study of the witchpanic of 1692 without knowing something of
our other sources of knowledge. The contemporary narratives are practically all
printed in the pages that follow, and a part of the trial records will be found
embodied in Cotton Mather's Wonders;[9] but most of these must be sought
otherwhere, and, alas, they are sadly scattered. Some Governor Hutchinson
preserved in his wise and careful pages on this subject,[10] where alone a part
can now be found. Many have drifted into private hands -- like those which in
1860 came into the hands of the Massachusetts Historical Society and are in
part printed in its Proceedings (1860-1862, pp. 31-37), or those published by
Drake in the foot-notes and appendices to his various histories and
editions,[11] or those now in the keeping of the Essex Institute at Salem or of
the Boston Public Library.[12] Such of these as are in print are mentioned in
the notes at the proper points. But most are still in public keeping at Salem;
and these in 1864 were printed by W. Elliot Woodward in the two volumes of his
Records of Salem Witchcraft, the work most fundamental for the first-hand study
of this episode. It is, however, imperfect and far from complete, and there is
hope of a better: the Records and Files of the Quarterly Courts of Essex
County, of which a third volume has just appeared, must in due course include
these witch-trials, and Mr. George Francis Dow, their editor (who has already
by his publication of the witchcraft records relating to Topsfield[13] shown
his keenness in such work), has in mind the seizing of this opportunity to
print all obtainable papers relating to the Salem Witchcraft episode. Precious
documents too are published by Upham in his classical Salem Witchcraft[14] and
in the acute and learned studies of Mr. Abner C. Goodell and Mr. George H.
Moore.[15]
[1]. In the London
edition of his Salem sermon. See below, p. 158, note 3.
[2]. One of the acutest
students of New England witchcraft, Mr. George H. Moore (in his “Notes on the
Bibliography of Witchcraft in Massachusetts” in the Proceedings of the American
Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 248), has said of it: “I cannot resist the
impression upon reading it, that it was promoted by Cotton Mather and that he
wrote the `Bookseller's' notice `to the Reader.' ” If so, he may well have
inspired to the task both author and publisher.
[3]. The contents of
this volume were reprinted at London, in 1862, by John Russell Smith, in the
volume of his Library of Old Authors which contains also Cotton Mather's The
Wonders of the Invisible World. In this reprint they fill pp. 199-291, being
described in its main title by only the misleading words, “A Farther Account of
the Tryals of the New-England Witches, by Increase Mather.”
[4]. See below, p. 158,
note 3.
[5]. This revised form
of his Account has been reprinted in full at the end of C. W. Upham's Salem
Witchcraft (Boston, 1867), and, with but slight omissions, in the Library of
American Literature edited by Stedman and Hutchinson (New York, 1891), II.
106-114.
[6]. This passage
immediately follows that above quoted.
[7]. Published (from
the Bodleian Library's Rawlinson MS. C. 128, fol. 12) by George H. Moore, in
the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 268-269.
[8]. Edmund Calamy, in
his Continuation, II. 629 (II. 192 of Palmer's revision of 1775, The
Nonconformist's Memorial).
[9]. At pp. 215-244,
below.
[10]. History of
Massachusetts, II., ch. I.
[11]. In his History
and Antiquities of Boston (Boston, 1856), pp. 497, 498, and in his The
Witchcraft Delusion in New England, III. 126, 169-197. All these (the
indictment and the testimony against Philip English, the examination of Mary
Clark and of the slave Tituba) are now in the New York Public Library, as are
also his documents of the Morse case, mentioned above, p. 31, note 1.
[12]. As to the fate of
the records in general see Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 462.
[13]. In vol. XIII. of
the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society (1908).
[14]. Boston, 1867, two
vols.
[15]. See p. 91, note
2; p. 373, note 3.
A Brief and True
Narrative Of some Remarkable Passages Relating to sundry Persons Afflicted by
Witchcraft, at Salem Village Which happened from the Nineteenth of March, to
the Fifth of April, 1692.
Collected by Deodat
Lawson.
Boston, Printed for
Benjamin Harris and are to be Sold at his Shop, over-against the
Old-Meeting-House. 1692.[16]
The Ensuing Narrative,
being a Collection of some Remarkables, in an Affair now upon the Stage, made
by a Credible Eye-witness, is now offered unto the Reader, only as a Tast, of
more that may follow in Gods Time. If the Prayers of Good People may obtain
this Favour of God, That the Misterious Assaults from Hell now made upon so
many of our Friends may be thoroughly Detected and Defeated, we suppose the
Curious will be Entertained with as rare an History as perhaps an Age has had;
whereof this Narrative is but a Forerunner.
On the Nineteenth day
of March last[17] I went to Salem Village,[18] and lodged at Nathaniel
Ingersols near to the Minister Mr. P's. house,[19] and presently after I came
into my Lodging Capt. Walcuts Daughter Mary[20] came to Lieut. Ingersols and
spake to me, but, suddenly after as she stood by the door, was bitten, so that
she cried out of her Wrist, and looking on it with a Candle, we saw apparently
the marks of Teeth both upper and lower set, on each side of her wrist.
In the beginning of the
Evening, I went to give Mr. P.[21] a visit. When I was there, his Kins-woman,
Abigail Williams, (about 12 years of age,) had a grievous fit; she was at first
hurryed with Violence to and fro in the room, (though Mrs. Ingersol endeavoured
to hold her,) sometimes makeing as if she would fly, stretching up her arms as
high as she could, and crying “Whish, Whish, Whish!” several times; Presently
after she said there was Goodw. N.[22] and said, “Do you not see her? Why there
she stands!” And the said Goodw. N. offered her The Book, but she was resolved
she would not take it, saying Often, “I wont, I wont, I wont, take it, I do not
know what Book it is: I am sure it is none of Gods Book, it is the Divels Book,
for ought I know.” After that, she run to the Fire, and begun to throw Fire
Brands, about the house; and run against the Back, as if she would run up Chimney,
and, as they said, she had attempted to go into the Fire in other Fits.
On Lords Day, the
Twentieth of March, there were sundry of the afflicted Persons at Meeting, as,
Mrs. Pope, and Goodwife Bibber, Abigail Williams. Mary Walcut, Mary Lewes, and
Docter Griggs' Maid.[23] There was also at Meeting, Goodwife C.[24] (who was
afterward Examined on suspicion of being a Witch:) They had several Sore Fits,
in the time of Publick Worship, which did something interrupt me in my First
Prayer; being so unusual. After Psalm was Sung, Abigail Williams said to me, “Now
stand up, and Name your Text”: And after it was read, she said, “It is a long
Text.” In the beginning of Sermon, Mrs. Pope, a Woman afflicted, said to me, “Now
there is enough of that.” And in the afternoon, Abigail Williams upon my
referring to my Doctrine said to me, “I know no Doctrine you had, If you did
name one, I have forgot it.”
In Sermon time when
Goodw. C was present in the Meetinghouse Ab. W. called out, “Look where Goodw.
C sits on the Beam suckling her Yellow bird betwixt her fingers”! Anne Putnam
another Girle afflicted said there was a Yellow-bird sat on my hat as it hung
on the Pin in the Pulpit: but those that were by, restrained her from speaking
loud about it.
On Monday the 21st of
March, The Magistrates of Salem appointed to come to Examination of Goodw
C.[25] And about twelve of the Clock, they went into the Meeting-House, which
was Thronged with Spectators: Mr. Noyes[26] began with a very pertinent and
pathetic Prayer; and Goodwife C. being called to answer to what was Alledged
against her, she desired to go to Prayer, which was much wondred at, in the
presence of so many hundred people: The Magistrates told her, they would not
admit it; they came not there to hear her Pray, but to Examine her, in what was
Alledged against her. The Worshipful Mr. Hathorne[27] asked her, Why she
Afflicted those Children? she said, she did not Afflict them. He asked her, who
did then? she said, “I do not know; How should I know?” The Number of the
Afflicted Persons were about that time Ten, viz. Four Married Women, Mrs. Pope,
Mrs. Putman,[28] Goodw. Bibber, and an Ancient Woman, named Goodall, three
Maids, Mary Walcut, Mercy Lewes, at Thomas Putman's, and a Maid at Dr.
Griggs's, there were three Girls from 9 to 12 Years of Age, each of them, or
thereabouts, viz. Elizabeth Parris, Abigail Williams and Ann Putman; these were
most of them at G. C's Examination, and did vehemently accuse her in the
Assembly of afflicting them, by Biting, Pinching, Strangling, etc. And that
they did in their Fit see her Likeness coming to them, and bringing a Book to
them, she said, she had no Book; they affirmed, she had a Yellow-Bird, that
used to suck betwixt her Fingers, and being asked about it, if she had any Familiar
Spirit, that attended her, she said, She had no Familiarity with any such
thing. She was a Gospel Woman: which Title she called her self by; and the
Afflicted Persons told her, ah! She was, A Gospel Witch. Ann Putman did there
affirm, that one day when Lieutenant Fuller was at Prayer at her Fathers House,
she saw the shape of Goodw. C. and she thought Goodw. N. Praying at the same
time to the Devil, she was not sure it was Goodw. N. she thought it was; but
very sure she saw the Shape of G. C. The said C. said, they were poor,
distracted Children, and no heed to be given to what they said. Mr. Hathorne
and Mr. Noyes replyed, it was the judgment of all that were present, they were
Bewitched, and only she, the Accused Person said, they were Distracted. It was
observed several times, that if she did but bite her Under lip in time of
Examination the persons afflicted were bitten on their armes and wrists and
produced the Marks before the Magistrates, Ministers and others. And being
watched for that, if she did but Pinch her Fingers, or Graspe one hand hard in
another, they were Pinched and produced the Marks before the Magistrates, and
Spectators. After that, it was observed, that if she did but lean her Breast
against the Seat, in the Meeting House, (being the Barr at which she stood,)
they were afflicted. Particularly Mrs. Pope complained of grievous torment in
her Bowels as if they were torn out. She vehemently accused said C. as the
instrument, and first threw her Muff at her; but that flying not home, she got
off her Shoe, and hit Goodwife C. on the head with it. After these postures
were watched, if said C. did but stir her feet, they were afflicted in their
Feet, and stamped fearfully. The afflicted persons asked her why she did not go
to the company of Witches which were before the Meeting house mustering? Did
she not hear the Drum beat? They accused her of having Familiarity with the
Devil, in the time of Examination, in the shape of a Black man whispering in
her ear; they affirmed, that her Yellow-Bird sucked betwixt her Fingers in the
Assembly; and order being given to see if there were any sign, the Girl that
saw it said, it was too late now; she had removed a Pin, and put it on her
head; which was found there sticking upright.
They told her, she had
Covenanted with the Devil for ten years, six of them were gone, and four more
to come. She was required by the Magistrates to answer that Question in the
Catechism, “How many persons be there in the God-Head?” she answered it but
oddly, yet was there no great thing to be gathered from it; she denied all that
was charged upon her, and said, They could not prove a Witch; she was that
Afternoon Committed to Salem-Prison; and after she was in Custody, she did not
so appear to them, and afflict them as before.
On Wednesday the 23 of
March, I went to Thomas Putmans, on purpose to see his Wife: I found her lying
on the Bed, having had a sore fit a little before. She spake to me, and said,
she was glad to see me; her Husband and she both desired me to pray with her, while
she was sensible; which I did, though the Apparition said, I should not go to
Prayer. At the first beginning she attended; but after a little time, was taken
with a fit: yet continued silent, and seemed to be Asleep: when Prayer was
done, her Husband going to her, found her in a Fit; he took her off the Bed, to
set her on his Knees; but at first she was so stiff, she could not be bended;
but she afterwards set down; but quickly began to strive violently with her
Arms and Leggs; she then began to Complain of, and as it were to Converse
personally with, Goodw. N., saying, “Goodw. N. Be gone! Be gone! Be gone! are
you not ashamed, a Woman of your Profession, to afflict a poor Creature so?
what hurt did I ever do you in my life! you have but two years to live, and
then the Devil will torment your Soul, for this your Name is blotted out of
Gods Book, and it shall never be put in Gods Book again, be gone for shame, are
you not afraid of that which is coming upon you? I Know, I know, what will make
you afraid; the wrath of an Angry God, I am sure that will make you afraid; be
gone, do not tourment me, I know what you would have (we judged she meant, her
Soul) but it is out of your reach; it is Clothed with the white Robes of
Christs Righteousness.” After this, she seemed to dispute with the Apparition
about a particular Text of Scripture. The Apparition seemed to deny it, (the
Womans eyes being fast closed all this time); she said, She was sure there was
such a Text; and she would tell it; and then the Shape would be gone, for said
she, “I am sure you cannot stand before that Text!” then she was sorely
Afflicted; her mouth drawn on one side, and her body strained for about a
minute, and then said, “I will tell, I will tell; it is, it is, it is!” three
or four times, and then was afflicted to hinder her from telling, at last she
broke forth and said, “It is the third Chapter of the Revelations.” I did
something scruple the reading it, and did let my scruple ap pear, lest Satan
should make any Superstitious lie to improve the Word of the Eternal God.
However, tho' not versed in these things, I judged I might do it this once for
an Experiment. I began to read, and before I had near read through the first
verse, she opened her eyes, and was well; this fit continued near half an hour.
Her Husband and the Spectators told me, she had often been so relieved by
reading Texts that she named, something pertinent to her Case; as Isa. 40. 1,
Isa. 49. 1, Isa. 50. 1, and several others.
On Thursday the Twenty
fourth of march, (being in course the Lecture Day, at the Village,) Goodwife N.
was brought before the Magistrates Mr. Hathorne and Mr. Corwin,[29] about Ten
of [the] Clock, in the Fore Noon, to be Examined in the Meeting House; the
Reverend Mr. Hale[30] begun with Prayer, and the Warrant being read, she was
required to give answer, Why she aflicted those persons? she pleaded her owne
innocency with earnestness. Thomas Putman's Wife, Abigail Williams and Thomas
Putmans daughter accused her that she appeared to them, and afflicted them in
their fitts: but some of the other said, that they had seen her, but knew not
that ever she had hurt them; amongst which was Mary Walcut, who was presently
after she had so declared bitten, and cryed out of her in the meeting-house;
producing the Marks of teeth on her wrist. It was so disposed, that I had not
leisure to attend the whole time of Examination,[31] but both Magistrates and
Ministers told me, that the things alledged by the afflicted, and defences made
by her, were much after the same manner, as the former was. And her Motions did
produce like effects as to Biteing, Pinching, Bruising, Tormenting, at their
Breasts, by her Leaning, and when, bended Back, were as if their Backs was
broken. The afflicted persons said, the Black Man whispered to her in the
Assembly, and therefore she could not hear what the Magistrates said unto her.
They said also that she did then ride by the Meeting-house, behind the Black
Man. Thomas Putman's wife had a grievous Fit, in the time of Examination, to the
very great Impairing of her strength, and wasting of her spirits, insomuch as
she could hardly move hand, or foot, when she was carryed out. Others also were
there grievously afflicted, so that there was once such an hideous scrietch and
noise, (which I heard as I walked, at a little distance from the Meeting
house,) as did amaze me, and some that were within told me the whole assembly
was struck with consternation, and they were afraid, that those that sate next
to them, were under the influence of Witchcraft. This woman also was that day
committed to Salem Prison. The Magistrates and Ministers also did informe me,
that they apprehended a child of Sarah G.[32] and Examined it, being between 4
and 5 years of Age, And as to matter of Fact, they did Unanimously affirm, that
when this Child did but cast its eye upon the afflicted persons, they were
tormented, and they held her Head, and yet so many as her eye could fix upon
were afflicted. Which they did several times make careful observation of: the
afflicted complained, they had often been Bitten by this child, and produced
the marks of a small set of teeth, accordingly, this was also committed to
Salem Prison; the child looked hail, and well as other Children. I saw it at
Lieut. Ingersols.[33] After the commitment of Goodw. N., Tho: Putmans wife was
much better, and had no violent fits at all from that 24th of March to the 5th
of April. Some others also said they had not seen her so frequently appear to
them, to hurt them.
On the 25th of March,
(as Capt. Stephen Sewal,[34] of Salem, did afterwards inform me) Eliza. Paris
had sore Fits, at his house, which much troubled himself, and his wife, so as
he told me they were almost discouraged. She related, that the great Black Man
came to her, and told her, if she would be ruled by him, she should have
whatsoever she desired, and go to a Golden City. She relating this to Mrs.
Sewall, she told the child, it was the Divel, and he was a Lyar from the
Beginning, and bid her tell him so, if he came again: which she did accordingly,
at the next coming to her, in her fits.
On the 26th of March,
Mr. Hathorne, Mr. Corwin, and Mr. Higison[35] were at the Prison-Keepers House,
to Examine the Child,[36] and it told them there, it had a little Snake that
used to Suck on the lowest Joynt of it[s] Fore-Finger; and when they inquired
where, pointing to other places, it told them, not there, but there, pointing
on the Lowest point of Fore-Finger; where they Observed a deep Red Spot, about
the Bigness of a Flea-bite, they asked who gave it that Snake? whether the
great Black man, it said no, its Mother gave it.
The 31 of March there
was a Publick Fast kept at Salem on account of these Afflicted Persons. And
Abigail Williams said, that the Witches had a Sacrament that day at an house in
the Village, and that they had Red Bread and Red Drink. The first of April,
Mercy Lewis, Thomas Putman's Maid, in her fitt, said, they did eat Red Bread
like Mans Flesh, and would have had her eat some: but she would not; but turned
away her head, and Spit at them, and said, “I will not Eat, I will not Drink,
it is Blood,” etc. She said, “That is not the Bread of Life, that is not the
Water of Life; Christ gives the Bread of Life, I will have none of it!” This
first of April also Marcy Lewis aforesaid saw in her fitt a White man and was
with him in a Glorious Place, which had no Candles nor Sun, yet was full of
Light and Brightness; where was a great Multitude in White glittering Robes,
and they Sung the Song in the fifth of Revelation the Ninth verse, and the 110
Psalm, and the 149 Psalm; and said with her self, “How long shall I stay here?
let me be along with you”: She was loth to leave this place, and grieved that
she could tarry no longer. This Whiteman[37] hath appeared several times to
some of them, and given them notice how long it should be before they had
another Fit, which was sometimes a day, or day and half, or more or less: it
hath fallen out accordingly.
The third of April, the
Lords-Day, being Sacrament-day, at the Village, Goodw. C.[38] upon Mr. Parris's
naming his Text, John 6, 70, One of them is a Devil, the said Goodw. C. went
immediately out of the Meeting-House, and flung the door after her violently,
to the amazement of the Congregation: She was afterward seen by some in their
Fits, who said, “O Goodw. C., I did not think to see you here!” (and being at
their Red bread and drink) said to her, “Is this a time to receive the
Sacrament, you ran-away on the Lords-Day, and scorned to receive it in the
Meeting-House, and, Is this a time to receive it? I wonder at you!” This is the
summ of what I either saw my self, or did receive Information from persons of
undoubted Reputation and Credit.
[16]. Title-page of the
original.
[17]. 1692. This
narrative may well be studied in close connection with the parallel narratives
of Calef and Hale, printed at pp. 296 ff. and 399 ff. of this volume.
[18]. Not Salem town,
the present Salem city, but a rural district (what is now the township of
Danvers, with parts of the townships adjoining it) which till 1672 had been a
mere dependence of the town, but in that year, at the request of its
inhabitants, was set off as a separate parish, though not as a distinct town.
Despite the name of “village,” there was in Salem Village no huddle of houses
amounting to a hamlet, though about the meeting-house (where now is Danvers
Highlands) the farm-houses clustered more thickly than elsewhere. Prefixed to
the Rev. Charles W. Upham's Salem Witchcraft is a map, which, on the basis of
long and loving research, attempts to locate every house in all the region; and
the text of that work will also be of constant use, as will the little volume
of W. S. Nevins, Witchcraft in Salem Village (1892), with its views of sites
and buildings (as “Stories of Salem Witchcraft” it had been printed in the New
England Magazine, IV., V.) and the illustrated edition of John Fiske's New
France and New England (1904).
[19]. Nathaniel
Ingersoll, deacon in the village church and perhaps its most devoted member,
kept the tavern, or “ordinary,” which was the recognized centre of the “Village.”
The meeting-house adjoined it to the east, to the west the parsonage, where
lived Mr. Parris.
[20]. Captain Jonathan
Walcot, commander of the village militia, dwelt next beyond the parsonage. His
daughter Mary was now seventeen.
[21]. The Rev. Samuel
Parris (1653-1720), whose part, and whose family's, in the Salem panic was to
be so great, had been at Salem Village since 1688, succeeding Deodat Lawson as
its spiritual head. Till then, though educated at Harvard, which is to say for
the ministry, he had been engaged in the West Indian trade, and had lived for a
time in Barbadoes, whence he had brought back with him the two slaves, John and
Tituba, perhaps half negro, half native, with whom we must soon have to do.
Abigail Williams, his niece, was a member of his household; and we shall meet
also his little daughter Elizabeth, aged nine. The account of his life by S. P.
Fowler (Essex Institute, Proceedings, II. 49-68) has been separately printed
(Salem, 1857) and is appended to Drake's ed. of Mather and Calef (III.
198-222). But the student needs also Upham, Salem Witchcraft, and the documents
reprinted by Calef, More Wonders, pp. 55-64.
[22]. Rebecca Nurse, a
matron of 71, wife of Francis Nurse, an energetic and prosperous farmer.
[23]. Mrs. Pope was a
woman of good social position and in early middle life; Sarah Bibber (or
Vibber), aged 36, a loose-tongued creature, addicted to fits, who with her
husband seems to have “worked out”; Mercy (not Mary) Lewes, a maid in the
family of Thomas Putnam, whose wife and twelve-year-old daughter, both named
Ann, were also to have a leading part among “the afflicted.” “Doctor Griggs'
maid,” Elizabeth Hubbard, aged 17, was a niece of his wife. It was probably Dr.
Griggs, the physician of the Village, who had first pronounced the girls
bewitched.
[24]. Martha Corey,
wife of Giles Corey. She too was advanced in years.
[25]. For the official
report of this examination, as of those to follow and for all the legal
documents connected with these cases, the student must of course turn to the
publications embodying such court records (see p. 151, above). Those of
Goodwife Corey's case may be found in Woodward's Records of Salem Witchcraft,
I. 50-60. Especially interesting is the evidence as to her rational attitude: “shee
told us,” testify those who went to arrest her, “that shee did not thinke that
there were any witches.” They add that it “was said of her that shee would open
the eyes of the magistrates and ministers.”
[26]. The Rev. Nicholas
Noyes, minister at Salem town.
[27]. John Hathorne, or
Hawthorne, a magistrate of the colony, and, as a member of the highest court, a
local magistrate as well, had his home on his farm in Salem Village and must
have known personally all these neighbors. It must be remembered, and may well
be pointed out here, that Massachusetts magistrates were not men trained to the
law, but only respected laymen.
[28]. Putnam: this
misspelling was common.
[29]. Jonathan Corwin
was, like Hathorne, a member of the Court of Assistants, the highest
legislative and judicial body of the colony, and like him the son of one of its
founders. They were the men of highest note in the Salem region. Corwin lived
in the town.
[30]. Of Beverly. As to
him see p. 397, below.
[31]. What drew Mr.
Lawson away from the examinations was doubtless the need to complete his
preparation for the important sermon of that day; and it must have been this on
which he was pondering when (as he records a few lines later) the shrieks of
the afflicted reached him as he walked, “a little distance from the
meeting-house.” That sermon was, however, no extempore production, but a
studied disquisition on the power and malice of the Devil, who “Contracts and
Indents with Witches and Wizzards, that they shall be the Instruments by whom
he may more secretly Affect and Afflict the Bodies and Minds of others.” “And
the Devil,” taught Lawson, committing himself wholly to belief in the worth of
that “spectral evidence” which was to play such a part in the Salem episode, “having
them in his subjection, by their Consent, he will use their Bodies and Minds,
Shapes and Representations, to Affright and Afflict others at his pleasure.”
The magistrates were present at the sermon; and to them he dedicated the sermon
when, in the following year, he gave it to the press under the title of
Christ's Fidelity the only Shield against Satan's Malignity. A second edition
was printed under his eye at London in 1704 (see p. 149, above).
[32]. Sarah Good, who
with Sarah Osburn and Parris's slave-woman Tituba had been examined and
committed to jail on March 1, before Lawson's visit (see p. 343, below).
[33]. Little Dorcas
Good, thus sent to prison “as hale and well as other children,” lay there seven
or eight months, and “being chain'd in the dungeon was so hardly used and
terrifyed” that eighteen years later her father alleged “that she hath ever
since been very chargeable, haveing little or no reason to govern herself.” See
his petition for damages, September 13, 1710 (printed in the N. E. Hist. and
Gen. Register, XXXV. 253 -- the MS. is now in the President White Library at
Cornell University). He was allowed £30.
[34]. Stephen Sewall,
clerk of the courts at Salem, in whose home the Rev. Mr. Parris had now placed
his daughter Elizabeth -- a fact which may have some connection with his being
one of the most ardent furtherers of the trials. It was from him that Cotton
Mather later asked the materials for his account of them (see p. 206, below).
He must, of course, not be confused with his more eminent brother, Samuel
Sewall, of Boston, whom we shall soon meet as a judge in the Salem trials.
[35]. The Rev. John
Higginson, the aged senior minister of the church in Salem.
[36]. Dorcas Good, of
course, not Elizabeth Parris.
[37]. White man.
[38]. Not Goodwife
Corey, but Goodwife Sarah Cloyse, sister of Rebecca Nurse. For an explanation
of the slammed door, see p. 346, below.
1. They are in their
Fits tempted to be Witches, are shewed the List of the Names of others, and are
tortured, because they will not yield to Subscribe, or meddle with, or touch
the Book, and are promised to have present Relief if they would do it.
2. They did in the
Assembly mutually Cure each other, even with a Touch of their Hand, when
Strangled, and otherwise Tortured; and would endeavour to get to their
Afflicted, to Relieve them.
3. They did also
foretel when anothers Fit was a-coming, and would say, “Look to her! she will
have a Fit presently,” which fell out accordingly, as many can bear witness,
that heard and saw it.
4. That at the same
time, when the Accused Person was present, the Afflicted Persons saw her
Likeness in other places of the Meeting-House, suckling her Familiar, sometimes
in one place and posture, and sometimes in another.
5. That their Motions
in their Fits are Preternatural, both as to the manner, which is so strange as
a well person could not Screw their Body into; and as to the violence also it
is preternatural, being much beyond the Ordinary force of the same person when
they are in their right mind.
6. The eyes of some of
them in their fits are exceeding fast closed, and if you ask a question they
can give no answer, and I do believe they cannot hear at that time, yet do they
plainely converse with the Appearances, as if they did discourse with real
persons.
7. They are utterly
pressed against any persons Praying with them, and told by the appearances,
they shall not go to Prayer, so Tho. Putmans wife was told, I should not Pray;
but she said, I should: and after I had done, reasoned with the Appearance, “Did
not I say he should go to Prayer?”
8. The forementioned
Mary W.[39] being a little better at ease, the Afflicted persons said, she had
signed the book; and that was the reason she was better. Told me by Edward Putman.[40]
[39]. Walcot.
[40]. Deacon Edward
Putnam, a pillar of the village church, was brother and close neighbor to
Thomas Putnam, whose wife, daughter, and maid were leaders among “the
afflicted.”
1. For introduction to
the discovery of those that afflicted them, It is reported Mr. Parris's Indian
Man and Woman made a Cake of Rye Meal, and the Childrens water, baked it in the
Ashes, and gave it to a Dogge, since which they have discovered, and seen
particular persons hurting of them.
2. In Time of
Examination, they seemed little affected, though all the Spectators were much
grieved to see it.
3. Natural Actions in
them produced Preternatural actions in the Afflicted, so that they are their
own Image without any Poppits of Wax or otherwise.[41]
4. That they are
accused to have a Company about 23 or 24 and they did Muster in Armes, as it
seemed to the Afflicted Persons.
5. Since they were
confined, the Persons have not been so much Afflicted with their appearing to
them, Biteing or Pinching of them, etc.
6. They are reported by
the Afflicted Persons to keep dayes of Fast and dayes of Thanksgiving, and
Sacraments;. Satan endeavours to Transforme himself to an Angel of Light, and
to make his Kingdom and Administrations to resemble those of our Lord Jesus
Christ.
7. Satan Rages
Principally amongst the Visible Subjects of Christ's Kingdom and makes use (at
least in appearance) of some of them to Afflict others; that Christ's Kingdom
may be divided against it self, and so be weakened.
8. Several things used
in England at Tryal of Witches, to the Number of 14 or 15, which are wont to
pass instead of or in Concurrence with Witnesses, at least 6 or 7 of them are
found in these accused: see Keebles Statutes.[42]
9. Some of the most
solid Alflicted Persons do affirme the same things concerning seeing the
accused out of their Fitts as well as in them.
10. The Witches had a
Fast, and told one of the Afflicted Girles, she must not Eat, because it was
Fast Day, she said, she would: they told her they would Choake her then; which
when she did eat, was endeavoured.
Finis.
[41]I. e.,these witches
have no need, as do others (see p. 104), to make images, or puppets, in the
likeness of those they wish to torment, and then by torturing the puppets to
inflict the same tortures on those they represent: these witches have only to
act, and their victims are preternaturally compelled to the same action.
[42]What is meant is
clearly not the collection of English statutes compiled by Joseph Keeble, or
Keble, (1632-1710). Often printed (1676, 1681, 1684, 1695, 1706), this seems to
have been standard in the colonies as at home; but it contains absolutely
nothing but the text of the statutes in force, “with the titles of such as are
expired, repealed, altered, or out of use,” and at the end an analytical table
of subjects.” The work really meant is Keble's An Assistance to Justices of the
Peace (London, 1683, 1689). This work, however, borrows its pages on witchcraft
(pp. 217-220) from the older manuals of Lambarde, West, and Dalton; and the
passage in question is one compiled by Michael Dalton, for the later editions
of his The Countrey Justice, from Thomas Potts's Discoverie of Witches (1613)
and Richard Barnard's Guide to Grand-Jury Men (1627). For aid in this
identification, and for a transcript of these pages from the Harvard copy of
Keble, the editor is indebted to Mr. David M. Matteson.
From that April day
when Mr. Lawson closed his account it was long before another eye-witness
undertook a narrative. Yet great things were doing. At Salem accusation and
hearing went on apace, and the jails grew crowded, awaiting the session of a
court. On May 14 arrived from England President Increase Mather, bringing the
new charter, and with him the new governor, Sir William Phips. What the
governor thought of the emergency and how he dealt with it we shall presently
learn from his own pen. But other pens were earlier busy. Perhaps the most
notable was that of Thomas Brattle, who early in October addressed the
following letter to some clerical correspondent. Who this divine may have been
whose questions the letter answers is unknown: our document is not the
original, but a copy without superscription, and from its contents we can infer
no more than that he lived or had lived in the colony. But Thomas Brattle we
know well. “He was,” wrote President Leverett of Harvard at his death, “a
gentleman by his birth and education of the first order in this country.” Born
at Boston, in 1658, of wealthy parentage, a graduate and a master of arts of
Harvard, then a traveller and a student abroad, he won such distinction as a
mathematician, and notably as an astronomer, as to be made a member of the
Royal Society, and was in close touch with the world of scholars; but his
career was that of an opulent and cultivated Boston merchant, and for twenty
years, from 1693 to his death in 1713, he was treasurer of Harvard College. “In
the Church,” said of him the Boston News-Letter, “he was known and valued for
his Catholick Charity to all of the reformed Religion, but more especially his
great Veneration for the Church of England, although his general and more
constant communion was with the Nonconformists.” In other words, he was of the
liberal party in religion and politics, an eminent opponent of the Puritan
theocracy, and he did not escape the epithets “apostate” and “infidel.”
The letter here printed
did not see print in his own day; but that the present copy exists suggests
that it may have been meant to circulate in manuscript,[43] and it is not
impossible that it was even written for that purpose. Yet if so, we may be sure
it was used with discretion. It was his grand-nephew, the then well-known
Thomas Brattle, Esq., of Cambridge, who late in the eighteenth century
communicated it to the Massachusetts Historical Society.[44] From that
manuscript copy it is here reprinted.
[43]. The suggestion is
that of Sibley, in his sketch of Brattle's life (Harvard Graduates, II.
489-498), the best summary of what is known of him. That the extant copy is
without superscription, and signed by initials only, may point to such a use.
It must not be forgotten that it was written on the eve of the session of the
General Court.
[44]. It was first
published in that society's Collections, V. 61-79.
October 8, 1692. Reverend Sir, Your's
I received the other day, and am very ready to serve you to my uttmost. I
should be very loath to bring myself into any snare by my freedom with you, and
therefore hope that you will put the best construction on what I write, and
secure me from such as would interprett my lines otherwise than they are
designed. Obedience to lawfull authority I evermore accounted a great duty; and
willingly I would not practise any thing that might thwart and contradict such
a principle. Too many are ready to despise dominions, and speak evil of
Dignities; and I am sure the mischiefs, which arise from a factious and
rebellious spirit, are very sad and notorious; insomuch that I would sooner
bite my finger's ends than willingly cast dirt on authority, or any way offer
reproach to it: Far, therefore, be it from me, to have any thing to do with
those men your letter mentions, whom you acknowledge to be men of a factious
spirit, and never more in their element than when they are declaiming against
men in public place, and contriving methods that tend to the disturbance of the
common peace. I never accounted it a credit to my cause, to have the good
liking of such men. My son! (says Solomon) fear thou the Lord and the King, and
meddle not with them that are given to change. Prov. xxiv. 21. However, Sir, I
never thought Judges infallible; but reckoned that they, as well as private
men, might err; and that when they were guilty of erring, standers by, who
possibly had not half their judgment, might, notwithstanding, be able to detect
and behold their errors. And furthermore, when errors of that nature are thus
detected and observed, I never thought it an interfering with dutifullness and
subjection for one man to communicate his thoughts to another thereabout; and
with modesty and due reverence to debate the premised failings; at least, when
errours are fundamental, and palpably pervert the great end of authority and
government: for as to circumstantial errours, I must confesse my principle is,
that it is the duty of a good subject to cover with his silence a multitude of
them. But I shall no longer detain you with my preface, but passe to some
things you look for, and whether you expect such freedome from me, yea or no,
yet shall you find, that I am very open to communicate my thoughts unto you,
and in plain terms to tell you what my opinion is of the Salem proceedings.
First, as to the method
which the Salem Justices do take in their examinations, it is truly this: A
warrant being issued out to apprehend the persons that are charged and
complained of by the afflicted children, (as they are called); said persons are
brought before the Justices, (the afflicted being present.) The Justices ask
the apprehended why they afflict those poor children; to which the apprehended
answer, they do not afflict them. The Justices order the apprehended to look upon
the said children, which accordingly they do; and at the time of that look, (I
dare not say by that look, as the Salem Gentlemen do) the afflicted are cast
into a fitt. The apprehended are then blinded, and ordered to touch the
afflicted; and at that touch, tho' not by the touch, (as above) the afflicted
ordinarily do come out of their fitts. The afflicted persons then declare and
affirm, that the apprehended have afflicted them; upon which the apprehended
persons, tho' of never so good repute, are forthwith committed to prison, on
suspicion for witchcraft. One of the Salem Justices[45] was pleased to tell Mr.
Alden,[46] (when upon his examination) that truly he had been acquainted with
him these many years; and had always accounted him a good man; but indeed now
he should be obliged to change his opinion. This, there are more than one or
two did hear, and are ready to swear to, if not in so many words, yet as to its
natural and plain meaning. He saw reason to change his opinion of Mr. Alden,
because that at the time he touched the poor child, the poor child came out of
her fitt. I suppose his Honour never made the experiment, whether there was not
as much virtue in his own hand, as there was in Mr. Alden's, to cure by a
touch. I know a man that will venture two to one with any Salemite whatever,
that let the matter be duly managed, and the afflicted person shall come out of
her fitt upon the touch of the most religious hand in Salem. It is worthily
noted by some, that at some times the afflicted will not presently come out of
their fitts upon the touch of the suspected; and then, forsooth, they are
ordered by the Justices to grasp hard, harder yet, etc. insomuch that at length
the afflicted come out of their fitts; and the reason is very good, because
that a touch of any hand, and processe of time, will work the cure; infallibly
they will do it, as experience teaches.
I cannot but condemn
this method of the Justices, of making this touch of the hand a rule to
discover witchcraft; because I am fully persuaded that it is sorcery, and a
superstitious method, and that which we have no rule for, either from reason or
religion. The Salem Justices, at least some of them, do assert, that the cure
of the afflicted persons is a natural effect of this touch; and they are so
well instructed in the Cartesian philosophy, and in the doctrine of effluvia,
that they undertake to give a demonstration how this touch does cure the
afflicted persons; and the account they give of it is this; that by this touch,
the venemous and malignant particles, that were ejected from the eye, do, by
this means, return to the body whence they came, and so leave the afflicted
persons pure and whole. I must confesse to you, that I am no small admirer of
the Cartesian philosophy; but yet I have not so learned it. Certainly this is a
strain that it will by no means allow of.
I would fain know of
these Salem Gentlemen, but as yet could never know, how it comes about, that if
these apprehended persons are witches, and, by a look of the eye, do cast the afflicted
into their fitts by poisoning them, how it comes about, I say, that, by a look
of their eye, they do not cast others into fitts, and poison others by their
looks; and in particular, tender, fearfull women, who often are beheld by them,
and as likely as any in the whole world to receive an ill impression from them.
This Salem philosophy, some men may call the new philosophy; but I think it
rather deserves the name of Salem superstition and sorcery, and it is not fitt
to be named in a land of such light as New-England is. I think the matter might
be better solved another way; but I shall not make any attempt that way,
further than to say, that these afflicted children, (as they are called,) do
hold correspondence with the devill, even in the esteem and account of the S.
G.;[47] for when the black man, i. e. (say these gentlemen,) the Devill, does
appear to them, they ask him many questions, and accordingly give information
to the inquirer; and if this is not holding correspondence with the devill, and
something worse, I know not what is.
But furthermore, I
would fain know of these Salem Justices what need there is of further proof and
evidence to convict and condemn these apprehended persons, than this look and
touch, if so be they are so certain that this falling down and arising up, when
there is a look and a touch, are natural effects of the said look and touch,
and so a perfect demonstration and proof of witchcraft in those persons. What
can the Jury or Judges desire more, to convict any man of witchcraft, than a
plain demonstration, that the said man is a witch? Now if this look and touch,
circumstanced as before, be a plain demonstration, (as their Philosophy
teaches,) what need they seek for further evidences, when, after all, it can be
but a demonstration?
But let this pass with
the S. G. for never so plain and natural a demonstration; yet certain is it,
that the reasonable part of the world, when acquainted herewith, will laugh at
the demonstration, and conclude that the said S. G. are actually possessed, at
least, with ignorance and folly.
I most admire[48] that
Mr. N. N.[49] the Reverend Teacher at Salem, who was educated at the School of
Knowledge, and is certainly a learned, a charitable, and a good man, though all
the devils in Hell, and all the possessed girls in Salem, should say to the
contrary; at him, (I say,) I do most admire; that he should cry up the above
mentioned philosophy after the manner that he does. I can assure you, that I
can bring you more than two, or twice two, (very credible persons) that will
affirm, that they have heard him vindicate the above mentioned demonstration as
very reasonable.
Secondly, with respect
to the confessours, (as they are improperly called,) or such as confesse
themselves to be witches, (the second thing you inquire into in your letter),
there are now about fifty of them in Prison; many of which I have again and
again seen and heard; and I cannot but tell you, that my faith is strong
concerning them, that they are deluded, imposed upon, and under the influence
of some evill spirit; and therefore unfitt to be evidences either against
themselves, or any one else. I now speak of one sort of them, and of others
afterward.
These confessours, (as
they are called,) do very often contradict themselves, as inconsistently as is
usual for any crazed, distempered person to do. This the S. G. do see and take
notice of; and even the Judges themselves have, at some times, taken these
confessours in flat lyes, or contradictions, even in the Courts; By reason of
which, one would have thought, that the Judges would have frowned upon the said
confessours, discarded them, and not minded one tittle of any thing that they
said; but instead thereof, (as sure as we are men,) the Judges vindicate these
confessours, and salve their contradictions, by proclaiming, that the Devill
takes away their memory, and imposes upon their brain. If this reflects any
where, I am very sorry for it: I can but assure you, that, upon the word of an
honest man, it is truth, and that I can bring you many credible persons to
witnesse it, who have been eye and ear wittnesses to these things.
These confessours then,
at least some of them, even in the Judges' own account, are under the influence
of the Devill; and the brain of these Confessours is imposed upon by the
Devill, even in the Judges' account. But now, if, in the Judges' account, these
confessours are under the influence of the Devill, and their brains are
affected and imposed upon by the Devill, so that they are not their own men,
why then should these Judges, or any other men, make such account of, and set
so much by, the words of these Confessours, as they do? In short, I argue thus:
If the Devill does
actually take away the memory of them at some times, certainly the Devill, at
other times, may very reasonably be thought to affect their fancyes, and to
represent false ideas to their imagination. But now, if it be thus granted,
that the Devill is able to represent false ideas (to speak vulgarly) to the
imaginations of the confessours, what man of sense will regard the confessions,
or any of the words, of these confessours?
The great cry of many
of our neighbours now is, What, will you not believe the confessours? Will you
not believe men and women who confesse that they have signed to the Devill's
book? that they were baptized by the Devill; and that they were at the
mock-sacrament once and again? What! will you not believe that this is
witchcraft, and that such and such men are witches, altho' the confessours do
own and assert it?
Thus, I say, many of
our good neighbours do argue; but methinks they might soon be convinced that
there is nothing at all in all these their arguings, if they would but duly
consider of the premises.
In the mean time, I
think we must rest satisfyed in it, and be thankfull to God for it, that all
men are not thus bereft of their senses; but that we have here and there
considerate and thinking men, who will not thus be imposed upon, and abused, by
the subtle endeavours of the crafty one.
In the next place, I
proceed to the form of their inditements, and the Trials thereupon.
The Inditement runs for
sorcery and witchcraft, acted upon the body of such an one, (say M. Warren), at
such a particular time, (say April 14, '92,) and at divers other times before
and after, whereby the said M. W. is wasted and consumed, pined, etc.
Now for the proof of
the said sorcery and witchcraft, the prisoner at the bar pleading not guilty.
1. The afflicted
persons are brought into Court; and after much patience and pains taken with
them, do take their oaths, that the prisoner at the bar did afflict them: And
here I think it very observable, that often, when the afflicted do mean and
intend only the appearance and shape of such an one, (say G. Proctour) yet they
positively swear that G. Proctour did afflict them; and they have been allowed
so to do; as tho' there was no real difference between G. Proctour and the
shape of G. Proctour. This, methinks, may readily prove a stumbling block to
the Jury, lead them into a very fundamental errour, and occasion innocent
blood, yea the innocentest blood imaginable, to be in great danger. Whom it
belongs unto, to be eyes unto the blind, and to remove such stumbling blocks, I
know full well; and yet you and every one else, do know as well as I who do
not.[50]
2. The confessours do
declare what they know of the said prisoner; and some of the confessours are
allowed to give their oaths; a thing which I believe was never heard of in this
world; that such as confesse themselves to be witches, to have renounced God
and Christ, and all that is sacred, should yet be allowed and ordered to swear
by the name of the great God! This indeed seemeth to me to be a grosse taking
of God's name in vain. I know the S. G. do say, that there is hopes that the
said Confessours have repented; I shall only say, that if they have repented,
it is well for themselves; but if they have not, it is very ill for you know
who. But then,
3. Whoever can be an
evidence against the prisoner at the bar is ordered to come into Court; and
here it scarce ever fails but that evidences, of one nature and another, are
brought in, tho', I think, all of them altogether aliene to the matter of
inditement; for they none of them do respect witchcraft upon the bodyes of the
afflicted, which is the alone matter of charge in the inditement.
4. They are searched by
a Jury; and as to some of them, the Jury brought in, that [on] such or such a
place there was a preternatural excrescence. And I wonder what person there is,
whether man or woman, of whom it cannot be said but that, in some part of their
body or other, there is a preternatural excrescence. The term is a very general
and inclusive term.
Some of the S. G. are
very forward to censure and condemn the poor prisoner at the bar, because he
sheds no tears: but such betray great ignorance in the nature of passion, and
as great heedlessnesse as to common passages of a man's life. Some there are
who never shed tears; others there are that ordinarily shed tears upon light
occasions, and yet for their lives cannot shed a tear when the deepest sorrow
is upon their hearts; and who is there that knows not these things? Who knows
not that an ecstasye of Joy will sometimes fetch teares, when as the quite
contrary passion will shutt them close up? Why then should any be so silly and
foolish as to take an argument from this appearance? But this is by the by. In
short, the prisoner at the bar is indited for sorcery and witchcraft acted upon
the bodyes of the afflicted. Now, for the proof of this, I reckon that the only
pertinent evidences brought in are the evidences of the said afflicted.
It is true, that over
and above the evidences of the afflicted persons, there are many evidences
brought in, against the prisoner at the bar; either that he was at a witch
meeting, or that he performed things which could not be done by an ordinary
natural power; or that she sold butter to a saylor, which proving bad at sea,
and the seamen exclaiming against her, she appeared, and soon after there was a
storm, or the like. But what if there were ten thousand evidences of this
nature; how do they prove the matter of inditement! And if they do not reach
the matter of inditement, then I think it is clear, that the prisoner at the
bar is brought in guilty, and condemned, merely from the evidences of the
afflicted persons.
The S. G. will by no
means allow, that any are brought in guilty, and condemned, by virtue of
spectre Evidence, (as it is called,) i. e. the evidence of these afflicted
persons, who are said to have spectral eyes; but whether it is not purely by
virtue of these spectre evidences, that these persons are found guilty,
(considering what before has been said,) I leave you, and any man of sense, to
judge and determine. When any man is indited for murthering the person of A. B.
and all the direct evidence be, that the said man pistolled the shadow of the
said A. B. tho' there be never so many evidences that the said person murthered
C. D., E. F. and ten more persons, yet all this will not amount to a legal
proof, that he murthered A. B.; and upon that inditement, the person cannot be
legally brought in guilty of the said inditement; it must be upon this
supposition, that the evidence of a man's pistolling the shadow of A. B. is a
legal evidence to prove that the said man did murther the person of A. B. Now
no man will be so much out of his witts as to make this a legal evidence; and
yet this seems to be our case; and how to apply it is very easy and obvious.
As to the late
executions,[51] I shall only tell you, that in the opinion of many
unprejudiced, considerate and considerable spectatours, some of the condemned
went out of the world not only with as great protestations, but also with as
good shews of innocency, as men could do.
They protested their
innocency as in the presence of the great God, whom forthwith they were to
appear before: they wished, and declared their wish, that their blood might be
the last innocent blood shed upon that account. With great affection[52] they
intreated Mr. C. M.[53] to pray with them: they prayed that God would discover
what witchcrafts were among us; they forgave their accusers; they spake without
reflection on Jury and Judges, for bringing them in guilty, and condemning
them: they prayed earnestly for pardon for all other sins, and for an interest
in the pretious blood of our dear Redeemer; and seemed to be very sincere,
upright, and sensible of their circumstances on all accounts; especially Proctor
and Willard, whose whole management of themselves, from the Goal to the
Gallows, and whilst at the Gallows, was very affecting and melting to the
hearts of some considerable Spectatours, whom I could mention to you: -- but
they are executed, and so I leave them.
Many things I cannot
but admire and wonder at, an account of which I shall here send you.
And 1. I do admire that
some particular persons, and particularly Mrs. Thatcher of Boston,[54] should
be much complained of by the afflicted persons, and yet that the Justices
should never issue out their warrants to apprehend them, when as upon the same
account they issue out their warrants for the apprehending and imprisoning many
others.
This occasions much
discourse and many hot words, and is a very great scandal and stumbling block
to many good people; certainly distributive Justice should have its course,
without respect to persons; and altho' the said Mrs. Thatcher be mother in law
to Mr. Corwin,[55] who is one of the Justices and Judges, yet if Justice and
conscience do oblige them to apprehend others on the account of the afflicted
their complaints, I cannot see how, without injustice and violence to
conscience, Mrs. Thatcher can escape, when it is well known how much she is,
and has been, complained of.
2. I cannot but admire
that Mr. H. U.[56] (whom we all think innocent,) should yet be apprehended on
this account, and ordered to prison, by a mittimus under Mr. Lynd's[57] his
hand, and yet that he should be suffered, for above a fortnight, to be in a
private house; and after that, to quitt the house, the town, and the Province,
and yet that authority should not take effectual notice of it. Methinks that
same Justice, that actually imprisoned others, and refused bail for them on any
terms, should not be satisfyed without actually imprisoning Mr. U. and refusing
bail for him, when his case is known to be the very same with the case of those
others.
If he may be suffered
to go away, why may not others? If others may not be suffered to go, how in
Justice can he be allowed herein?
3. If our Justices do
think that Mrs. C.[58] Mr. E.[59] and his wife, Mr. A.[60] and others, were
capital offenders, and justly imprisoned on a capital account, I do admire that
the said Justices should hear of their escape from prison, and where they are
gone and entertained, and yet not send forthwith to the said places,[61] for
the surrendering of them, that Justice might be done them. In other
Capitalls[62] this has been practised; why then is it not practised in this case,
if really judged to be so heinous as is made for?
4. I cannot but admire,
that any should go with their distempered friends and relations to the
afflicted children, to know what their distempered friends ayl; whether they
are not bewitched; who it is that afflicts them, and the like. It is true, I
know no reason why these afflicted may not be consulted as well as any other,
if so be that it was only their natural and ordinary knowledge that was had
recourse to: but it is not on this notion that these afflicted children are
sought unto; but as they have a supernatural knowledge; a knowledge which they
obtain by their holding correspondence with spectres or evill spirits, as they
themselves grant. This consulting of these afflicted children, as abovesaid, seems
to me to be a very grosse evill, a real abomination, not fitt to be known in N.
E.[63] and yet is a thing practised, not only by Tom and John -- I mean the
ruder and more ignorant sort -- but by many who professe high, and passe among
us for some of the better sort. This is that which aggravates the evil, and
makes it heinous and tremendous; and yet this is not the worst of it, for, as
sure as I now write to you, even some of our civil leaders, and spiritual
teachers, who, (I think,) should punish and preach down such sorcery and
wickedness, do yet allow of, encourage, yea, and practise this very
abomination.
I know there are
several worthy Gentlemen in Salem, who account this practise as an abomination,
have trembled to see the methods of this nature which others have used, and
have declared themselves to think the practise to be very evill and corrupt;
but all avails little with the abettours of the said practice.
A person from Boston,
of no small note, carried up his child to Salem, (near 20 miles,) on purpose
that he might consult the afflicted about his child; which accordingly he did;
and the afflicted told him, that his child was afflicted by Mrs. Cary and Mrs.
Obinson.[64] The man returned to Boston, and went forthwith to the Justices for
a warrant to seise the said Obinson, (the said Cary being out of the way); but
the Boston Justices saw reason to deny a warrant. The Rev. Mr. I. M.[65] of
Boston, took occasion severely to reprove the said man; asking him whether
there was not a God in Boston, that he should go to the Devill in Salem for
advice; warning him very seriously against such naughty practices; which, I
hope, proved to the conviction and good of the said person; if not, his blood
will be upon his own head.
This consulting of
these afflicted children, about their sick, was the unhappy begining of the
unhappy troubles at poor Andover: Horse and man were sent up to Salem Village,
from the said Andover, for some of the said afflicted; and more than one or two
of them were carried down to see Ballard's wife,[66] and to tell who it was
that did afflict her. I understand that the said B. took advice before he took
this method; but what pity was it, that he should meet with, and hearken to
such bad Counsellours? Poor Andover does now rue the day that ever the said
afflicted went among them; they lament their folly, and are an object of great
pity and commiseration. Capt. B.[67] and Mr. St.[68] are complained of by the
afflicted, have left the town, and do abscond. Deacon Fry's wife, Capt'n Osgood's
wife, and some others, remarkably pious and good people in repute, are
apprehended and imprisoned; and that that is more admirable, the forementioned
women are become a kind of confessours, being first brought thereto by the
urgings and arguings of their good husbands, who, having taken up that corrupt
and highly pernicious opinion, that whoever were accused by the afflicted, were
guilty, did break charity with their dear wives, upon their being accused, and
urge them to confesse their guilt; which so far prevailed with them as to make
them say, they were afraid of their being in the snare of the Devill; and
which, through the rude and bar barous methods[*] that were afterwards used at
Salem, issued in somewhat plainer degrees of confession, and was attended with
imprisonment. The good Deacon and Captain are now sensible of the errour they
were in; do grieve and mourn bitterly, that they should break their charity
with their wives, and urge them to confesse themselves witches. They now see
and acknowledge their rashnesse and uncharitablenesse, and are very fitt
objects for the pity and prayers of every good Christian. Now I am writing
concerning Andover, I cannot omit the opportunity of sending you this
information; that Whereas there is a report spread abroad the country, how that
they were much addicted to Sorcery in the said town, and that there were fourty
men in it that could raise the Devill as well as any astrologer, and the like;
after the best search that I can make into it, it proves a mere slander, and a
very unrighteous imputation.
The Rev'd Elders of the
said place were much surprized upon their hearing of the said Report, and
faithfully made inquiry about it; but the whole of naughtiness, that they could
discover and find out, was only this, that two or three girls had foolishly
made use of the sieve and scissors,[70] as children have done in other towns.
This method of the girls I do not Justifye in any measure; but yet I think it
very hard and unreasonable, that a town should lye under the blemish and
scandal of sorceryes and conjuration, merely for the inconsiderate practices of
two or three girls in the said town.
5. I cannot but admire
that the Justices, whom I think to be well-meaning men, should so far give ear
to the Devill, as merely upon his authority to issue out their warrants, and
apprehend people. Liberty was evermore accounted the great priviledge of an
Englishman; but certainly, if the Devill will be heard against us, and his
testimony taken, to the siezing and apprehending of us, our liberty vanishes,
and we are fools if we boast of our liberty. Now, that the Justices have thus
far given ear to the Devill, I think may be mathematically demonstrated to any
man of common sense: And for the demonstration and proof hereof, I desire, only,
that these two things may be duly considered, viz.
1. That several persons
have been apprehended purely upon the complaints of these afflicted, to whom
the afflicted were perfect strangers, and had not the least knowledge of
imaginable, before they were apprehended.
2. That the afflicted
do own and assert, and the Justices do grant, that the Devill does inform and
tell the afflicted the names of those persons that are thus unknown unto them.
Now these two things being duly considered, I think it will appear evident to
any one, that the Devill's information is the fundamental testimony that is
gone upon in the apprehending of the aforesaid people.
If I believe such or
such an assertion as comes immediately from the Minister of God in the pulpitt,
because it is the word of the everliving God, I build my faith on God's
testimony: and if I practise upon it, this my practice is properly built on the
word of God: even so in the case before us,
If I believe the
afflicted persons as informed by the Devill, and act thereupon, this my act may
properly be said to be grounded upon the testimony or information of the
Devill. And now, if things are thus, I think it ought to be for a lamentation
to you and me, and all such as would be accounted good Christians.
If any should see the
force of this argument, and upon it say, (as I heard a wise and good Judge once
propose,) that they know not but that God almighty, or a good spirit, does give
this information to these afflicted persons; I make answer thereto, and say, that
it is most certain that it is neither almighty God, nor yet any good Spirit,
that gives this information; and my Reason is good, because God is a God of
truth; and the good Spirits will not lye; whereas these informations have
several times proved false, when the accused were brought before the afflicted.
6. I cannot but admire
that these afflicted persons should be so much countenanced and encouraged in
their accusations as they are: I often think of the Groton woman, that was
afflicted, an account of which we have in print, and is a most certain truth,
not to be doubted of.[71] I shall only say, that there was as much ground, in
the hour of it, to countenance the said Groton woman, and to apprehend and
imprison, on her accusations, as there is now to countenance these afflicted
persons, and to apprehend and imprison on their accusations. But furthermore,
it is worthy of our deepest consideration, that in the conclusion, (after
multitudes have been imprisoned, and many have been put to death,) these afflicted
persons should own that all was a mere fancy and delusion of the Devill's, as
the Groton woman did own and acknowledge with respect to herself; if, I say, in
after times, this be acknowledged by them, how can the Justices, Judges, or any
else concerned in these matters, look back upon these things without the
greatest of sorrow and grief imaginable? I confesse to you, it makes me tremble
when I seriously consider of this thing. I have heard that the chief judge[72]
has expressed himself very hardly of the accused woman at Groton, as tho' he
believed her to be a witch to this day; but by such as knew the said woman,
this is judged a very uncharitable opinion of the said Judge, and I do not
understand that any are proselyted thereto.
Rev'd Sir, these things
I cannot but admire and wonder at. Now, if so be it is the effect of my
dullness that I thus admire, I hope you will pity, not censure me: but if, on
the contrary, these things are just matter of admiration, I know that you will
join with me in expressing your admiration hereat.
The chief Judge is very
zealous in these proceedings, and says, he is very clear as to all that hath as
yet been acted by this Court, and, as far as ever I could perceive, is very
impatient in hearing any thing that looks another way. I very highly honour and
reverence the wisdome and integrity of the said Judge, and hope that this
matter shall not diminish my veneration for his honour; however, I cannot but
say, my great fear is, that wisdome and counsell are withheld from his honour
as to this matter, which yet I look upon not so much as a Judgment to his
honour as to this poor land.
But altho' the Chief
Judge, and some of the other Judges, be very zealous in these proceedings, yet
this you may take for a truth, that there are several about the Bay, men for
understanding, Judgment, and Piety, inferiour to few, (if any,) in N. E. that
do utterly condemn the said proceedings, and do freely deliver their Judgment
in the case to be this, viz. that these methods will utterly ruine and undoe
poor N. E. I shall nominate some of these to you, viz. The hon'ble Simon
Bradstreet, Esq. (our late Governor); the hon'ble Thomas Danforth, Esq. (our
late Deputy Governor); the Rev'd Mr. Increase Mather, and the Rev'd Mr. Samuel
Willard. Major N. Saltonstall, Esq. who was one of the Judges, has left the
Court, and is very much dissatisfyed with the proceedings of it. Excepting Mr.
Hale, Mr. Noyes, and Mr. Parris, the Rev'd Elders, almost throughout the whole
Country, are very much dissatisfyed. Several of the late Justices, viz. Thomas
Graves, Esq. N. Byfield, Esq. Francis Foxcroft, Esq. are much dissatisfyed;
also several of the present Justices; and in particular, some of the Boston
Justices, were resolved rather to throw up their commissions than be active in
disturbing the liberty of their Majesties' subjects, merely on the accusations
of these afflicted, possessed children.
Finally; the principal
Gentlemen in Boston, and thereabout, are generally agreed that irregular and
dangerous methods have been taken as to these matters.
Sir, I would not willingly
lead you into any errour, and therefore would desire you to note,
1. That when I call
these afflicted “the afflicted children,” I would not be understood as though I
meant, that all that are afflicted are children: there are several young men
and women that are afflicted, as well as children: but this term has most
prevailed among us, because of the younger sort that were first afflicted, and
therefore I make use of it.
2. That when I speak of
the Salem Gentlemen, I would not be understood as tho' I meant every Individual
Gentleman in Salem; nor yet as tho' I meant, that there were no men but in
Salem that run upon these notions: some term they must have, and this seems not
improper, because in Salem this sort of Gentlemen does most abound.
3. That other Justices
in the Country, besides the Salem Justices, have issued out their warrants, and
imprisoned, on the accusations of the afflicted as aforesaid; and therefore,
when I speak of the Salem Justices, I do not mean them exclusively.
4. That as to the above
mentioned Judges, that are commissionated for this Court at Salem, five of them
do belong to Suffolk county; four of which five do belong to Boston;[73] and
therefore I see no reason why Boston should talk of Salem, as tho' their own
Judges had had no hand in these proceedings at Salem.
Nineteen persons have
now been executed, and one pressed to death for a mute: seven more are
condemned; two of which are reprieved, because they pretend their being with
child; one, viz. Mrs. Bradbury of Salisbury, from the intercession of some
friends; and two or three more, because they are confessours.[74]
The Court is adjourned
to the first Tuesday in November, then to be kept at Salem; between this and
then will be [the] great assembly,[75] and this matter will be a peculiar
matter of their agitation. I think it is matter of earnest supplication and
prayer to almighty God, that he would afford his gracious presence to the said
assembly, and direct them aright in this weighty matter. Our hopes are here;
and if, at this Juncture, God does not graciously appear for us, I think we may
conclude that N. E. is undone and undone.
I am very sensible,
that it is irksome and disagreeable to go back, when a man's doing so is an
implication that he has been walking in a wrong path: however, nothing is more
honourable than, upon due conviction, to retract and undo, (so far as may be,)
what has been amiss and irregular.
I would hope that, in
the conclusion, both the Judges and Justices will see and acknowledge that such
were their best friends and advisers as disswaded from the methods which they
have taken, tho' hitherto they have been angry with them, and apt to speak very
hardly of them.
I cannot but highly
applaud, and think it our duty to be very thankfull, for the endeavours of
several Elders,[76] whose lips, (I think,) should preserve knowledge, and whose
counsell should, I think, have been more regarded, in a case of this nature,
than as yet it has been: in particular, I cannot but think very honourably of
the endeavours of a Rev'd person in Boston,[77] whose good affection to his
countrey in general, and spiritual relation to three of the Judges in
particular, has made him very solicitous and industrious in this matter; and I
am fully persuaded, that had his notions and proposals been hearkened to, and
followed, when these troubles were in their birth, in an ordinary way, they
would never have grown unto that heigth which now they have. He has as yet mett
with little but unkindness, abuse, and reproach from many men; but I trust
that, in after times, his wisdome and service will find a more universal
acknowledgment; and if not, his reward is with the Lord.
Two or three things I
should have hinted to you before, but they slipped my thoughts in their proper
place.
Many of these afflicted
persons, who have scores of strange fitts in a day, yet in the intervals of
time are hale and hearty, robust and lusty, as tho' nothing had afflicted them.
I Remember that when the chief Judge gave the first Jury their charge, he told
them, that they were not to mind whether the bodies of the said afflicted were
really pined and consumed, as was expressed in the inditement; but whether the
said afflicted did not suffer from the accused such afflictions as naturally
tended to their being pined and consumed, wasted, etc. This, (said he,) is a
pining and consuming in the sense of the law. I add not.
Furthermore: These
afflicted persons do say, and often have declared it, that they can see
Spectres when their eyes are shutt, as well as when they are open. This one
thing I evermore accounted as very observable, and that which might serve as a
good key to unlock the nature of these mysterious troubles, if duly improved by
us. Can they see Spectres when their eyes are shutt? I am sure they lye, at least
speak falsely, if they say so; for the thing, in nature, is an utter
impossibility. It is true, they may strongly fancye, or have things represented
to their imagination, when their eyes are shutt; and I think this is all which
ought to be allowed to these blind, nonsensical girls; and if our officers and
Courts have apprehended, imprisoned, condemned, and executed our guiltlesse
neighbours, certainly our errour is great, and we shall rue it in the
conclusion. There are two or three other things that I have observed in and by
these afflicted persons, which make me strongly suspect that the Devill imposes
upon their brains, and deludes their fancye and imagination; and that the
Devill's book (which they say has been offered them) is a mere fancye of theirs,
and no reality: That the witches' meeting, the Devill's Baptism, and mock
sacraments, which they oft speak of, are nothing else but the effect of their
fancye, depraved and deluded by the Devill, and not a Reality to be regarded or
minded by any wise man. And whereas the Confessours have owned and asserted the
said meetings, the said Baptism, and mock Sacrament, (which the S. G. and some
others, make much account of) I am very apt to think, that, did you know the
circumstances of the said Confessours, you would not be swayed thereby, any
otherwise than to be confirmed, that all is perfect Devilism, and an Hellish
design to ruine and destroy this poor land: For whereas there are of the said
Confessours 55 in number, some of them are known to be distracted, crazed
women, something of which you may see by a petition lately offered to the chief
Judge, a copy whereof I may now send you;[78] others of them denyed their
guilt, and maintained their innocency for above eighteen hours, after most
violent, distracting, and draggooning[79] methods had been used with them, to
make them confesse. Such methods they were, that more than one of the said
confessours did since tell many, with teares in their eyes, that they thought
their very lives would have gone out of their bodyes; and wished that they
might have been cast into the lowest dungeon, rather than be tortured with such
repeated buzzings and chuckings and unreasonable urgings as they were treated
withal.
They soon recanted
their confessions, acknowledging, with sorrow and grief, that it was an hour of
great temptation with them; and I am very apt to think, that as for five or six
of the said confessours, if they are not very good Christian women, it will be
no easy matter to find so many good Christian women in N. E. But, finally, as
to about thirty of these fiftyfive Confessours, they are possessed (I reckon)
with the Devill, and afflicted as the children are, and therefore not fitt to
be regarded as to any thing they say of themselves or others. And whereas the
S. G. do say that these confessours made their Confessions before they were
afflicted, it is absolutely contrary to universal experience, as far as ever I
could understand. It is true, that some of these have made their confession
before they had their falling, tumbling fitts, but yet not absolutely before
they had any fitts and marks of possession, for (as the S. G. know full well)
when these persons were about first confessing, their mouths would be stopped,
and their throats affected, as tho' there was danger of strangling, and
afterward (it is true) came their tumbling fitts. So that, I say, the
confessions of these persons were in the beginning of their fitts, and not
truly before their fitts, as the S. G. would make us believe.
Thus, (Sir,) I have given
you as full a narrative of these matters as readily occurs to my mind, and I
think every word of it is matter of fact; the several glosses and descants
whereupon, by way of Reasoning, I refer to your Judgment, whether to approve or
disapprove.
What will be the issue
of these troubles, God only knows; I am afraid that ages will not wear off that
reproach and those stains which these things will leave behind them upon our
land. I pray God pity us, Humble us, Forgive us, and appear mercifully for us
in this our mount of distress: Herewith I conclude, and subscribe myself,
[45]. Bartholomew
Gedney.
[46]. Captain John
Alden, of Boston, son of the John Alden of the Mayflower and of Longfellow's
poem. For Alden's own account of this episode see pp. 353-355, below.
[47]. I. e., Salem
gentlemen -- and so hereafter.
[48]. Marvel, am
surprised.
[49]. Nicholas Noyes.
[50]. He means, of
course, the judges.
[51]. The names
presently mentioned would seem to show that he has especially in mind the
executions of August 19, and his words suggest that he was present on this
occasion. Those then executed, besides John Proctor and John Willard, were the
Rev. George Burroughs, George Jacobs, and Martha Carrier. For two other
accounts of their death, both perhaps by eye-witnesses, see below, pp. 360-364.
But there had been executions also on June 10, July 19, and September 22.
[52]. Emotion,
earnestness.
[53]. Cotton Mather.
[54]. Mrs. Margaret
Thacher (1625-1694), widow of the Rev. Thomas Thacher (d. 1678), first minister
of the Old South Church. She was the only child of the wealthy Boston merchant
Henry Webb, and had been left by a first marriage the widow of Jacob Sheafe,
then the richest man in Boston.
[55]. Jonathan Corwin,
of Salem.
[56]. Hezekiah Usher
(1639-1697), a prominent Boston merchant.
[57]. Doubtless Joseph
Lynde (1637-1727), of Charlestown -- since June a member of the Council under
the new Mather charter.
[58]. Mrs. Nathaniel Cary,
of Charlestown. See pp. 349-352.
[59]. Philip English,
of Salem. See p. 371 and note 1.
[60]. John Alden, of
Boston. See p. 170, note 2.
[61]. I. e., to New
York.
[62]. I. e., capital
cases.
[63]. New England.
[64]. Mrs. Obinson was
probably the wife of William Obinson, or Obbinson, a Boston tanner.
[65]. Increase Mather.
[66]. Mrs. Joseph
Ballard. See below, pp. 371-372; and, for more as to this Andover episode, pp.
241-244, 418-420. The records of the Andover cases are printed by Woodward in his
Records of Salem Witchcraft (Roxbury, 1864), and there are chapters on the
episode in Abiel Abbot's History of Andover (Andover, 1829) and Sarah Loring
Bailey's Historical Sketches of Andover (Boston, 1880).
[67]. Dudley
Bradstreet. See p. 372.
[68]. Stevens? The
conjecture is Mrs. Bailey's (Historical Sketches of Andover, 228).
[*] You may possibly
think that my terms are too severe; but should I tell you what a kind of Blade
was employed in bringing these women to their confession; what methods from
damnation were taken; with what violence urged; how unseasonably they were kept
up; what buzzings and chuckings of the hand were used, and the like, I am sure
that you would call them, (as I do), rude and barbarous methods.[Marginal note
in the original.]
[69]. What Brattle may
mean by “methods from damnation” is a puzzle to the editor. Perhaps “damnation”
is only a euphemism for “hell.” Possibly he thinks of that clause in the
Massachusetts laws (Body of Liberties of 1641, art. 45; Lawes and Libertyes, 1660,
p. 67; 1672, p. 129) which permits a prisoner “in some capital case, when he is
first fully convicted by clear and sufficient evidence to be guilty,” to be
tortured for the discovery of his accomplices, yet not with such tortures as
are barbarous and inhuman. What he means by “buzzings and chuckings of the
hand,” i. e., whisperings and wheedlings, will grow clear if one turn to pp.
374-376, and read what these Andover women themselves tell of the methods used
with them.
[70]. A mode of
divination much in vogue in New England as in Old. Called also “sieve and
shears” or “riddle and shears”: the learned name is coscinomancy.
[71]. “The Groton woman”
was Elizabeth Knapp, and the “account in print” probably that of Increase
Mather reprinted above, pp. 21-23, though possibly Willard's sermon (see p. 21,
note 4) is meant.
[72]. William
Stoughton, the new lieutenant-governor. He had been educated for the ministry
in the Harvard class of 1650, and went to England, where he preached for some
ten years, receiving meanwhile at Oxford his mastership in arts and the honor
of a fellowship; but, ejected at the Restoration, he returned to New England,
and there, though counted an able preacher, declined a settlement and drifted
into public life. He seems to have set store by his learning in theology, and
to the end to have maintained the Devil's impotence to personate by a spectre
any but a guilty witch. As to his career see the careful study by Sibley, in
his Harvard Graduates (I. 194-208).
[73]. See p. 355.
Richards, Sargent, Sewall, Winthrop, were of Boston; Stoughton of Dorchester,
close by. Only Gedney was of Salem, till Corwin was called in to replace
Saltonstall (who was of Haverhill).
[74]. As to all these
see below, pp. 360-374.
[75]. The General
Court. It convened on October 12. Its attitude as to the Salem trials is thus
tersely intimated in Judge Sewall's diary: “Oct. 26, 1692. A Bill is sent in
about calling a Fast and Convocation of Ministers, that [we] may be led in the
right way as to the Witchcrafts. The season and manner of doing it, is such,
that the Court of Oyer and Terminer count themselves thereby dismissed. 29 Nos
and 33 yeas to the Bill.” The bill itself has been printed (from the Mass.
Archives, XI. 70) by G. H. Moore, in the Proceedings of the American
Antiquarian Society (n. s., II. 172); and that those of Brattle's mind had not
relied alone on prayer to influence the assembly may be seen by the petition
printed in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXVII. 55, and in the Proceedings
of the American Antiquarian Society, n. s., V. 246 (see also Proceedings, n.
s., II. 171).
[76]. The ministers,
now practically the only “elders.”
[77]. It has been
generally assumed, and with reason, that this “Rev'd person” was the Rev.
Samuel Willard. Three of the judges (Sargent, Sewall, and Winthrop) were
members of his church (the Old South), and, unless one suspect Brattle of
intent to mislead, “spiritual relation” must here mean a pastor's. The phrase “good
affection to the country” suggests, too, one who, like Willard, shared
Brattle's political views. We have seen already (p. 23) what caution in 1671 he
used in the case of Elizabeth Knapp; and, if the “notions and proposals” meant
by Brattle are now lost, we have from his pen what puts his position in 1692
beyond all question -- a little dialogue, published anonymously while the
troubles were at their height, which with fairness and courtesy, but with
striking clearness and boldness, argues against the iniquity of the procedure.
Its title runs: Some Miscellany Observations on our Present Debates respecting
Witchcrafts, in a Dialogue between S. and B. By P. E. and J. A. Philadelphia,
Printed by William Bradford, for Hezekiah Usher. 1692. “S.” and “B.”
undoubtedly mean Salem and Boston. Philadelphia and Bradford probably had as
little to do with the book (the type is not Bradford's) as did Hezekiah Usher,
P. E. (Philip English), or J. A. (John Alden), three notable fugitives from
Salem justice. All alike were merely remote enough to bear in safety the imputation
of such a book. John Alden and Hezekiah Usher were members of Willard's church;
and Philip English and his wife he visited while in custody at Boston, and
probably was a party to their escape. At least the Rev. William Bentley, of
Salem, recording in his diary, May 21, 1793, what their great-granddaughter
Susanna Hathorne had told him, relates that Willard and Moodey “visited them
and invited them to the public worship on the day before they were to return to
Salem for trial. Their text was that they that are persecuted in one city, let
them flee to another. After Meeting the Ministers visited them at the Gaol, and
asked them whether they took notice of the discourse, and told them their
danger and urged them to escape since so many had suffered. Mr. English
replied, `God will not permit them to touch me.' Mrs. English said: `Do you not
think the sufferers innocent?' He (Moody) said `Yes.' She then added, `Why may
we not suffer also?' The Ministers then told him if he would not carry his wife
away they would.” (Quoted by R. D. Paine, in his Ships and Sailors of Old
Salem, from Bentley's privately printed diary, which seems to give the tale in
a more primitive form than his letter to Alden, in the Mass. Hist. Soc.,
Collections, X.) “It ought never to be forgotten,” said Willard's colleague,
Ebenezer Pemberton, preaching in 1707 his funeral sermon, “with what Prudence,
Courage and Zeal he appeared for the Good of this People in that Dark and
Mysterious Season when we were assaulted from the Invisible World. And how
singularly Instrumental he was in discovering the Cheats and Delusions of
Satan, which did threaten to stain our Land with Blood and to deluge it with
all manner of Woes.” True, Judge Sewall, mentioning in 1696 (Diary, I. 433)
Willard's sermon at the day of public prayer, says that he spake smartly “at
last” about the Salem witchcraft; but “at last” here means “at the end,” “as
the peroration of his sermon.” It is clearly Willard whom Cotton Mather has
especially in mind when in his life of Phips and again in his Magnalia (bk.
II., p. 62) he sets forth the views of those “who from the beginning were very
much dissatisfied with these proceedings,” having “already known of one at the
Town of Groton” who had falsely accused a neighbor. The strange suggestion of
W. F. Poole that Brattle here means Cotton Mather himself, is adequately
answered by Upham, in his Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather.
[78]. The paper meant
is doubtless that printed at pp. 374-375, below.
[79]. The attempt of
Louis XIV. to force his Protestant subjects to abandon their faith by turning
loose his dragoons upon them had already furnished the English language with
this new word.
Sir William Phips, who
arrived in May as the royal governor under the new charter, was no stranger to
New England. Born in 1651 at a hamlet on the Maine coast, just beyond the
Kennebec, where his father, a Bristol gunsmith, had become a settler, he had early
turned from sheep-herding to ship-carpentry, and then coming up to Boston,
where at twenty-two he first learned to read and write, he had by thrift become
the master of a vessel and had found a path to fortune in the rescue of lost
treasure from Spanish galleons sunken in West Indian waters. These ventures had
brought him into partnership with some of the most powerful of English nobles,
and even with royalty itself, and his sturdy honesty (or perhaps a wise use of
his wealth) won him from the King in 1687 the honor of knighthood and in 1688
appointment as high sheriff of New England. The hostility of Governor Andros
brought the sheriffship to nothing; but the English revolution overturned
Andros in 1689, and the emancipated colonies made Sir William head of the
expedition that conquered Nova Scotia, and then sent him with another against
Quebec. Meanwhile President Increase Mather was laboring in England, as the
agent of Massachusetts, for the restoration of the ancient charter; and when
Sir William (who during his absence had, as his son's convert, become a member
of his church) turned up there too, and just in time to support him against the
other New England commissioners in accepting from the King what could be got,
though not what could be wished, he was the natural nominee for the new
governorship.
But the new governor
was little trained for such an emergency as awaited him in New England. What
more natural in such a crisis, which to the thought of that day seemed to need
the divine more than the statesman, than to turn for counsel to his pastor and
patron, or to his colleague the new lieutenant-governor,[80] who had enjoyed
precisely that training in theology which seemed now his own chief lack?
Stoughton was made chief justice of a special court created by the governor to
try the witch-cases,[81] and during the latter's repeated absences[82] at the
frontier became the acting governor. The ministers of Boston were “consulted by
his Excellency and the Honourable Council” as to the conduct of the trials.
Their “Return,” bearing date of June 15, was drawn by Cotton Mather;[83] and it
was perhaps now that that divine, who had early (May 31) furnished the judges a
body of instructions,[84] was inspired by “the Direction of His Excellency the
Governor”[85] to undertake that “Account of the Sufferings brought upon the
Countrey by Witchcraft,” which was ready for submission to Sir William on his
return from the east in early October, and with which, under its title of The
Wonders of the Invisible World, we must soon make acquaintance. The opening
clauses of the governor's letter show plainly the influence of that book;[86]
and the change in tone between its earlier and its later portion, and yet more
between the letter of October and that of February, is not the least
interesting feature of these documents.[87]
[80]. William Stoughton
(see above, p. 183 and note 2) was of course also a nominee of Mather's. He had
not been forward in the revolution which overthrew the Andros government, but
he had rallied to it, and Cotton Mather had written his father wishing he might
“do anything to restore him to the favor of the country.”
[81]. In the last week
of May, at his first meetings with the new Council. The court began its
sessions at Salem on June 2.
[82]. He was present in
Boston at meetings of the Council on June 13, 18, July 4, 8, 15, 18, 21, 22,
25, 26, September 5, 12, 16, and again on October 14 (Moore, in American
Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., V. 251 note). Sewall on September 29
notes in his diary: “Governor comes to Town.”
[83]. A summary of it
may be found on pp. 356-357, below; the full text is appended to Increase
Mather's Cases of Conscience (1693) and has been often reprinted, both with
that work and in later books. It is Cotton Mather himself (in his life of
Phips) who tells us that he drafted it.
[84]. In his letter of
May 31 to his parishioner John Richards, a member of the court (Mather Papers,
pp. 391-397). It is endorsed -- with reason -- “Mr Cotton Mather, an Essay
concerning Witchcraft”; for an essay it really is. A supplement, and an
interesting one, is his letter of August 17 to John Foster, a member of the
Council (printed by Upham in his Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather, pp.
39-40).
[85]. It has been
questioned (by Upham and again by G. H. Moore) whether “the Governor” whose “commands”
Mather alleges (see p. 206) may not be Stoughton instead of Phips; but his
discrimination between the two is too clear and too constant to admit the
suspicion, and still less can Stoughton and Sewall (see pp. 251, 378) have been
inexact. A doubt as to who consulted the clergy must be similarly answered. Yet
Stoughton may well have been behind both acts.
[86]. His phrases are
taken almost bodily from the book (see, in Drake's edition, pp. 102-109, not
here reprinted); and his statement as to the methods of the court echoes
Mather's. It has been suggested (by Moore) that Mather himself drafted the
letter; but neither the style nor the matter of its later portion can be his.
[87]. Cotton Mather, in
his life of Phips, names as one of the causes of the Proceedings of the Mass.
Hist. Soc., second series, I, 348-358) throw a vivid light on the problems then
agitating the public mind. They are dated at New York on October 5, and the
answers, dated October 11, cannot have reached Boston before the middle of that
month. More distinctly than the Boston clergy they reject “spectral evidence.”
According to the Anglican rector at New York, John Miller (commenting on
Mather's statement as borrowed by the geographer Hermann Moll), “the advice of
the established English Minister was also asked and generously given”; “but,”
he adds, “they were not so civill as to thank him for it, nor do they here
acknowledge it, although it was much to their purpose, and stood them in good
stead.” It may be found, however, written out by his own hand in his copy of
Moll's Atlas (now in the New York Public Library); and it is summarized at pp.
274-276 of the New York Historical Society's Collections for 1869 and in the
edition of Miller's New York considered (1695) by Mr. Paltsits (1903), to whom
the editor owes suggestion of the matter. Miller's answers are, indeed,
somewhat less credulous than those of his Calvinist colleagues; but (as appears
from a “Memorandum” of his own) it is by no means certain that they reached New
England.
When I first arrived I
found this Province miserably harrassed with a most Horrible witchcraft or
Possession of Devills which had broke in upon severall Townes, some scores of
poor people were taken with preternaturall torments some scalded with brimstone
some had pins stuck in their flesh others hurried into the fire and water and
some dragged out of their houses and carried over the tops of trees and hills
for many Miles together; it hath been represented to mee much like that of
Sweden about thirty years agoe,[88] and there were many committed to prison
upon suspicion of Witchcraft before my arrivall. The loud cries and clamours of
the friends of the afflicted people with the advice of the Deputy Governor and
many others prevailed with mee to give a Commission of Oyer and Terminer for
discovering what witchcraft might be at the bottome or whether it were not a
possession. The chief Judge in this Commission was the Deputy Governour and the
rest were persons of the best prudence and figure that could then be pitched
upon. When the Court came to sitt at Salem in the County of Essex they
convicted more than twenty persons of being guilty of witchcraft, some of the
convicted were such as confessed their Guilt, the Court as I understand began
their proceedings with the accusations of the afflicted and then went upon
other humane[89] evidences to strengthen that. I was almost the whole time of
the proceeding abroad in the service of Their Majesties in the Eastern part of
the Country and depended upon the Judgement of the Court as to a right method
of proceeding in cases of Witchcraft but when I came home I found many persons
in a strange ferment of dissatisfaction which was increased by some hott
Spiritts that blew up the flame,[90] but on enquiring into the matter I found
that the Devill had taken upon him the name and shape of severall persons who
were doubtless inocent and to my certain knowledge of good reputation for which
cause I have now forbidden the committing of any more that shall be accused
without unavoydable necessity, and those that have been committed I would
shelter from any Proceedings against them wherein there may be the least
suspition of any wrong to be done unto the Innocent. I would also wait for any
particular directions or commands if their Majesties please to give mee any for
the fuller ordering this perplexed affair. I have also put a stop to the
printing of any discourses one way or other, that may increase the needless
disputes of people upon this occasion, because I saw a likely-hood of kindling
an inextinguishable flame if I should admitt any publique and open Contests and
I have grieved to see that some who should have done their Majesties and this
Province better service have so far taken Councill of Passion as to desire the
precipitancy of these matters, these things have been improved by some to give
me many interuptions in their Majesties service and in truth none of my
vexations have been greater than this, than that their Majesties service has
been hereby unhappily clogged, and the Persons who have made soe ill
improvement of these matters here are seeking to turne it all upon mee,[91] but
I hereby declare that as soon as I came from fighting against their Majesties
Enemyes and understood what danger some of their innocent subjects might be
exposed to, if the evidence of the afflicted persons only did prevaile either
to the committing or trying any of them, I did before any application was made
unto me about it put a stop to the proceedings of the Court and they are now
stopt till their Majesties pleasure be known. Sir I beg pardon for giving you
all this trouble, the reason is because I know my enemies are seeking to turn
it all upon me and I take this liberty because I depend upon your friendship,
and desire you will please to give a true understanding of the matter if any
thing of this kind be urged or made use of against mee. Because the justnesse
of my proceeding herein will bee a sufficient defence. Sir
Dated at Boston the 12th of october 1692.[92] Mem'dm That my Lord President be pleased to
acquaint his Ma'ty in Councill with the account received from New England from
Sir Wm. Phips the Governor there touching Proceedings against severall persons
for Witchcraft as appears by the Governor's letter concerning those matters.
Boston in New England Febry 21st, 1692/3. May it please yor. Lordshp. By the Capn. of the Samuell and Henry I gave
an account that att my arrivall here I found the Prisons full of people
committed upon suspition of withcraft and that continuall complaints were made
to me that many persons were grievously tormented by witches and that they
cryed out upon severall persons by name, as the cause of their torments. The
number of these complaints increasing every day, by advice of the Lieut Govr.
and the Councill I gave a Commission of Oyer and Terminer to try the suspected
witches and at that time the generality of the People represented the matter to
me as reall witchcraft and gave very strange instances of the same. The first
in Commission was the Lieut. Govr. and the rest persons of the best prudence
and figure that could then be pitched upon and I depended upon the Court for a
right method of proceeding in cases of witchcraft. At that time I went to
command the army at the Eastern part of the Province, for the French and
Indians had made an attack upon some of our Fronteer Towns. I continued there for
some time but when I returned I found people much disatisfied at the
proceedings of the Court, for about Twenty persons were condemned and executed
of which number some were thought by many persons to be innocent. The Court
still proceeded in the same method of trying them, which was by the evidence of
the afflicted persons who when they were brought into the Court as soon as the
suspected witches looked upon them instantly fell to the ground in strange
agonies and grievous torments, but when touched by them upon the arme or some
other part of their flesh they immediately revived and came to themselves, upon
[which] they made oath that the Prisoner at the Bar did afflict them and that
they saw their shape or spectre come from their bodies which put them to such
paines and torments: When I enquired into the matter I was enformed by the
Judges that they begun with this, but had humane testimony against such as were
condemned and undoubted proof of their being witches, but at length I found
that the Devill did take upon him the shape of Innocent persons and some were
accused of whose innocency I was well assured and many considerable persons of
unblameable life and conversation were cried out upon as witches and wizards.
The Deputy Govr. notwithstanding persisted vigorously in the same method, to
the great disatisfaction and disturbance of the people, until I put an end to
the Court and stopped the proceedings, which I did because I saw many innocent
persons might otherwise perish and at that time I thought it my duty to give an
account thereof that their Ma'ties pleasure might be signifyed, hoping that for
the better ordering thereof the Judges learned in the law in England might give
such rules and directions as have been practized in England for proceedings in so
difficult and so nice a point; When I put an end to the Court[93] there were at
least fifty persons in prison in great misery by reason of the extream cold and
their poverty, most of them having only spectre evidence against them, and
their mittimusses being defective, I caused some of them to be lett out upon
bayle and put the Judges upon considering of a way to reliefe others and
prevent them from perishing in prison, upon which some of them were convinced
and acknowledged that their former proceedings were too violent and not
grounded upon a right foundation but that if they might sit againe, they would
proceed after another method, and whereas Mr. Increase Mathew[94] and severall
other Divines did give it as their Judgment that the Devill might afflict in
the shape of an innocent person and that the look and the touch of the
suspected persons was not sufficient proofe against them, these things had not
the same stress layd upon them as before, and upon this consideration I
permitted a spetiall Superior Court[95] to be held at Salem in the County of
Essex on the third day of January, the Lieut Govr. being Chief Judge. Their
method of proceeding being altered, all that were brought to tryall to the
number of fifety two, were cleared saving three, and I was enformed by the
Kings Attorny Generall that some of the cleared and the condemned were under
the same circumstances or that there was the same reason to clear the three
condemned as the rest according to his Judgment. The Deputy Govr. signed a
Warrant for their speedy execucion and also of five others who were condemned
at the former Court of Oyer and terminer, but considering how the matter had
been managed I sent a reprieve whereby the execucion was stopped untill their
Maj. pleasure be signified and declared. The Lieut. Gov. upon this occasion was
inranged and filled with passionate anger and refused to sitt upon the bench in
a Superior Court then held at Charles Towne,[96] and indeed hath from the
beginning hurried on these matters with great precipitancy and by his warrant
hath caused the estates, goods and chattles of the executed to be seized and
disposed of without my knowledge or consent. The stop put to the first method
of proceedings hath dissipated the blak cloud that threatened this Province with
destruccion; for whereas this delusion of the Devill did spread and its dismall
effects touched the lives and estates of many of their Ma'ties Subjects and the
reputacion of some of the principall persons here,[97] and indeed unhappily
clogged and interrupted their Ma'ties affaires which hath been a great vexation
to me, I have no new complaints but peoples minds before divided and distracted
by differing opinions concerning this matter are now well composed.
[88]. The famous case
at Mohra in 1669-1670. Cotton Mather had appended to his Wonders an account of
it.
[89]. Human.
[90]. He thinks perhaps
of the Baptist preacher, William Milborne, one of the leaders in the later
revolution, who on June 25 was called before the Council because of two papers
subscribed by him and several others, “containing very high reflections upon
the administration of public justice within this their Majesty's Province”
(Moore, Notes on Witchcraft, p. 12; Final Notes, p. 72). What seems one of
these papers, addressed “to the Grave and Juditious the Generall Assembly of
the Province,” has been found (see it in N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXVII.
55, and reprinted by Moore in American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s.,
V. 246) and proves a protest against the conviction “upon bare specter
testimonie” of “persons of good fame and of unspotted reputation.” It must have
been in circulation before the detection of its author, and was very possibly
the reason for the consultation of the clergy.
[91]. It must be
remembered that the new charter, by opening the suffrage to those who were not
church members, had greatly strengthened the party opposed to the theocracy --
and to the theocracy's governor. More than once it has been said, too, that the
Salem witchcraft was the rock on which the theocracy shattered.
[92]. This letter, with
its memorandum, has been printed in the Essex Institute Historical Collections,
IX. 86-88, from a copy made in the British archives (“Colonial Entry Book, vol.
62, p. 414,” now C. O. 5: 905, p. 414). It has since been printed also in the
Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1689-1692 (no. 2551, p. 720), which uses
not only this MS. (mistakenly called “an extract”) but another (“Board of
Trade, New England, 6, no. 7,” now C. O. 5: 857, no. 7); but the editor has
corrected and paraphrased. The last-named MS. (C. O. 5: 857, no. 7) is,
however, the original letter; and the present impression has been carefully
collated with it at London, many corrections resulting. October 14, in the
Essex Institute's reprint, is only a printer's error for October 12. The letter
was addressed to William Blathwayt, clerk of the Privy Council, and it is he
who added the memorandum (to the Entry Book copy).
[93]. It was on October
29, three days after the passage by the General Court of the bill calling for a
fast and a convocation of ministers for guidance “as to the witchcrafts,” and,
as Judge Sewall tells us (see p. 186, note 1, above) in such “season and manner”
that “the Court of Oyer and Terminer count themselves thereby dismissed,” that
in the Council, when “Mr. Russel asked whether the Court of Oyer and Terminer
should sit, expressing some fear of Inconvenience by its fall,” the “Governour
said it must fall.” (Sewall's Diary, I. 368.)
[94]. Mather.
Undoubtedly an error of the English copyist. The advice meant was that of the
twelve ministers of Boston and vicinity on June 15. See introduction.
[95]. The Superior
Court was created by act of the General Court of the province -- of course with
the concurrence of the governor -- on November 25, 1692; but its session at
Salem would, under the law, have come in the next November, and a supplementary
act was passed on December 16, providing, “upon consideration that many persons
charged capital offenders are now in custody within the county of Essex,” for a
court of assize and general jail delivery there on January 3.
[96]. For this episode
see pp. 382-383.
[97]. A “letter from
Boston” printed in the British Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1693-1696,
p. 63, says that “The witchcraft at Salem went on vigorously... until at last
members of Council and Justices were accused”; and the Boston merchant Calef in
1697 wrote: “If it be true what was said at the Counsel-board in answer to the
commendations of Sir William, for his stopping the proceedings about
Witchcraft, viz. That it was high time for him to stop it, his own Lady being
accused; if that Assertion were a truth, then New-England may seem to be more
beholden to the accusers for accusing of her, and thereby necessitating a stop,
than to Sir William” (More Wonders, p. 154). Lady Phips had earned an
accusation by daring, in Sir William's absence, herself to issue a warrant for
the discharge of an accused woman. The keeper lost his place. (MS. letter
quoted by Hutchinson, II. 61, note; the writer had it from the keeper himself
and had seen the document.)
[98]. This letter is
here reprinted from the Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings, second
ser., I. 340-342, where the original, in the British archives, is described as “America
and West Indies, No. 591” and “also in Colonial Entry Book, No. 62, p. 426”;
but the Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, 1693-1696, which again prints it,
though in abridged form, ascribes it to “America and West Indies, 561, nos. 28,
29,” and mentions the duplicate as “Col. Entry Bk., Vol. LXII, pp. 426-430,”
and as “entered as addressed to William Blathwayt.” It may also be found in G.
H. Moore's Final Notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts (New York, 1885), pp.
90-93, with his annotations. Examination at the British Public Record Office
shows that the original letter (formerly America and West Indies, 561, no. 28)
is now C. O. 5: 51, no. 28, and is plainly addressed to the Earl of Nottingham.
How The Wonders of the
Invisible World came to be written we have already seen.[99] Its author had “a
talent for sudden composures.” We have seen what a scrap-bag was his Memorable
Providences; and the pigeon-holes of his desk must for months have been
gathering materials that could now be put to use. What these materials were is
suggested by his title-page; but the title-page description is not exact. There
is first an essay, entitled “Enchantments Encountered,” on New England as a
home of the saints and the plot of the Devil against her, especially as
revealed by the witches now confessing; next an abstract of the rules of
Perkins, Gaule, and Bernard for the detection of witches. Then follows “A
Discourse on the Wonders of the Invisible World, uttered (in part) on Aug. 4,
1692.” It is a sermon on Rev. xii. 12, depicting in apocalyptic phrase the
Devil's wrath and its present manifestation. Next comes “An Hortatory and
Necessary Address, to a Country now extraordinarily alarum'd by the Wrath of
the Devil” -- this, too, doubtless written for a sermon. “Having thus
discoursed on the Wonders of the Invisible World,” says then the author, “I
shall now, with God's help, go on to relate some Remarkable and Memorable
Instances of Wonders which that World has given to ourselves.” Yet he still
inserts “A Narrative of an Apparition which a Gentleman in Boston had of his
Brother,” before proceeding to those Salem trials, the kernel of his book, which
are reprinted below.
Doubtless these were
meant, as the title-page suggests, to form a part of the “Enchantments
Encountered,” but failed to arrive in time. Mather had long been begging them
from Stephen Sewall (brother of Judge Sewall), the clerk of the court; but the
clerk was then very busy. On September 20 Mather wrote: “That I may be the more
capable to assist in lifting up a standard against the infernal enemy, I must
renew my most importunate request.” What he asks is “a narrative of the evidence
given in at the trials of half a dozen, or if you please, a dozen, of the
principal witches that have been condemned.” He pleads not only Sewall's
promise, but that “his Excellency, the Governor, laid his positive commands
upon me to desire this favor of you”; “and the truth is,” he adds, “there are
some of his circumstances with reference to this affair, which I need not
mention, that call for the expediting of your kindness.” He wants also some of
the clerk's “observations about the confessors, and the credibility of what
they assert, or about things evidently preternatural in the witchcrafts”; but, “assure
yourself,” he concludes, “I shall not wittingly make what you write prejudicial
to any worthy design which those two excellent persons, Mr. Hale and Mr. Noyes,
may have in hand.” But the clerk took counsel before he acted. His brother's
Diary records, on Thursday, September 22, that “William Stoughton, Esqr., John
Hathorne, Esqr., Mr. Cotton Mather, and Capt. John Higginson, with my brother
St., were at our house, speaking about publishing some Trials of the Witches.”
These had been received and utilized by early October (see p. 247), and the
book, thus far complete, could before October 11 be laid before the judges (see
p. 251) and by the 12th could furnish material for the governor's letter (see
p. 195).
Before the book was out
of press there was time to add the narrative of the Swedish witches and the
sermon on “the Devil discovered”; but these could not seriously have delayed
the printing, for the book, complete and printed, must have gone to London by
the same ship which in mid-October took Sir William's letter. A copy of the
book was doubtless sent, with this letter, to the home government; and it was
perhaps precisely for this use that the volume had been hurried into existence
and into print. What is certain is that such a copy had before December 24
reached the hands of John Dunton, the London publisher; for on that day he
announced its speedy publication, and by December 29 it was already in print,
though with “1693” on its title-page.[100] A “second edition,” much abridged
(though not by the omission of the Salem trials), he issued in February 1693,
and reprinted it as a “third” in June.
The news-letter, with
imprint of 1692, calling itself A True Account of the Tryals... at Salem, in
New England... in a Letter to a Friend in London and signed at end “C. M.” is
only a bookseller's fraud, compiled from the Wonders by some hack (who has not
even taken the trouble to imitate its style) and printed in 1693.
The Wonders was
reprinted at Salem in 1861 (with Calef's More Wonders), by Mr. S. P. Fowler, in
a volume called Salem Witchcraft; but, alas, from the abridged “third edition”
and with serious further abridgment. In 1862 the first London edition was
embodied in a volume of John Russell Smith's Library of Old Authors (cf. p.
149, note 1); and in 1866 the work was again reprinted, and with much more
exactness,[101] as no. V. of the Historical Series of W. Elliot Woodward
(Roxbury, Mass.), being again coupled with Calef's More Wonders (forming nos.
VI., VII., of the same series) under a common title, The Witchcraft Delusion in
New England, and a common editor, S. G. Drake, who contributes elaborate
introductions and notes. An alleged reprint by J. Smith, London, 1834 (and
again by H. Howell in 1840), as an addition to Baxter's, Certainty of the World
of Spirits is not Mather's Wonders at all, but only the witchcraft pages of his
Magnalia.
[99]. See pp. 194-195.
[100]. That this London
edition was printed, not from a manuscript copy, but from the printed Boston
edition, broken up for the compositors, is clear to any printer who compares
the two. See, for details, a paragraph in the N. Y. Nation for November 5, 1908
(LXXXVII. 435), or the descriptive note of G. F. Black in the New York
Library's List of Works relating to Witchcraft in the United States (Bulletin,
1908, XII. 666). All extant copies of the Boston edition seem to have the
title-page date “1693” (an alleged exception proves to be a myth); and this
probably means that till January, at least, the book was withheld from
circulation. As to all the early editions, see Moore, Notes on the Bibliography
of Witchcraft in Massachusetts (American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n.
s., V.), and the New York Library's List, as above.
[101]. The type being
set from the first London edition, but the proofs read by the Boston one. (See
Drake's preface, p. vii, and his postscript, p. 247.)
The Wonders of the
Invisible World. Observations As well Historical as Theological, upon the
Nature, the Number, and the Operations of the Devils. Accompany'd with
I. Some Accounts of the
Grievous Molestations, by Dœmons and Witchcrafts, which have lately annoy'd the
Countrey; and the Trials of some eminent Malefactors Executed upon occasion
thereof: with several Remarkable Curiosities therein occurring.
II. Some Counsils,
Directing a due Improvement of the terrible things, lately done, by the Unusual
and Amazing Range of Evil Spirits, in Our Neighbourhood: and the methods to
prevent the Wrongs which those Evil Angels may intend against all sorts of
people among us; especially in Accusations of the Innocent.
III. Some Conjectures
upon the great Events, likely to befall the World in General, and New-England
in Particular; as also upon the Advances of the time, when we shall see Better
Dayes.
IV. A short Narrative
of a late Outrage committed by a knot of Witches in Swedeland, very much
Resembling, and so far Explaining, That under which our parts of America have
laboured!
V. The Devil
Discovered: In a Brief Discourse upon those Temptations, which are the more
Ordinary Devices of the Wicked One.
By Cotton Mather.
Boston, Printed, by
Benjamin Harris for Sam. Phillips 1693.[102]
Published by the
Special Command of His Excellency, the Governour of the Province of the
Massachusetts-Bay in New-England.[103]
[102]. Title-page of
original.
[103]. Reverse of
title-page. Governor Sir William Phips. We have just read, indeed, his own
assertion (p. 197, above) that he had “put a stop to the printing of any
discourses one way or other,” and this may explain why, though this book was
complete in October, it was not published before January, as well as why, when
it did appear, it thus bore the express sanction of the governor. As to the
suggestion of Upham and Moore that not Phips but Stoughton may be here meant,
see p. 194, note 6.
'Tis, as I remember,
the Learned Scribonius,[104] who Reports, that One of his Acquaintance,
devoutly making his Prayers on the behalf of a Person molested by Evil Spirits,
received from those Evil Spirits an horrible Blow over the Face: And I may my
self Expect not few or small Buffetings from Evil Spirits, for the Endeavours
wherewith I am now going to Encounter them. I am far from Insensible, That at
this Extraordinary Time of the Devils Coming down in Great Wrath upon us, there
are too many Tongues and Hearts thereby Set on Fire of Hell; that the various
Opinions about the Witchcrafts which of Later Time have Troubled us, are
maintained by some with so much Cloudy Fury, as if they could never be
sufficiently Stated, unless written in the Liquor wherewith Witches use to
write their Covenants; and that he who becomes an Author at such a Time, had
need be Fenced with Iron, and the Staff of a Spear. The unaccountable
Frowardness, Asperity, Untreatableness, and Inconsistency of many persons,
every Day gives a Visible Exposition of that passage, An Evil Spirit from the
Lord came upon Saul; and Illustration of that Story, There met him two
Possessed with Devils, exceeding Fierce, so that no man might pass by that way.
To send abroad a Book, among such Readers, were a very unadvised Thing, if a
man had not such Reasons to give, as I can bring, for such an Undertaking.
Briefly, I hope it cannot be said, They are all so; No, I hope the Body of this
People, are yet in such a Temper, as to be capable of Applying their Thoughts,
to make a Right Use of the Stupendous and prodigious Things that are happening
among us: and because I was concern'd, when I saw that no Abler Hand Emitted
any Essayes to Engage the Minds of this People in such Holy, Pious, Fruitful
Improvements, as God would have to be made of His Amazing Dispensations now
upon us, Therefore it is, that One of the Least among the Children of
New-England, has here done, what is done. None, but the Father, who sees in
Secret, knows the Heart-breaking Exercises, wherewith I have Composed what is
now going to be Exposed, Lest I should in any One Thing miss of Doing my
Designed Service for His Glory, and for His People; But I am now somewhat
comfortably Assured of His favourable Acceptance; and, I will not Fear; what
can a Satan do unto me!
Having Performed
Something of what God Required, in labouring to suit His Words unto His Works,
at this Day among us, and therewithal handled a Theme that has been sometimes
counted not unworthy the Pen, even of a King, it will easily be perceived, that
some subordinate Ends have been considered in these Endeavours.
I have indeed set my
self to Countermine the whole Plot of the Devil against New-England,[105] in
every Branch of it, as far as one of my Darkness can comprehend such a Work of
Darkness. I may add, that I have herein also aimed at the Information and
Satisfaction of Good men in another Countrey, a Thousand Leagues off, where I
have, it may be, More, or however, more Considerable Friends, than in My
Own;[106] And I do what I can to have that Countrey, now as well as alwayes, in
the best Terms with My Own. But while I am doing these things, I have been
driven a little to do something likewise for My self; I mean, by taking off the
false Reports and hard Censures about my Opinion in these matters, the Parters
Portion, which my pursuit of Peace has procured me among the Keen. My hitherto
Unvaried Thoughts are here Published; and, I believe, they will be owned by
most of the Ministers of God in these Colonies; nor can amends be well made me,
for the wrong done me, by other sorts of Representations.
In fine, For the
Dogmatical part of my Discourse, I want no Defence; for the Historical part of
it, I have a very Great One. The Lieutenant-Governour of New-England, having
perused it, has done me the Honour of giving me a Shield,[107] under the
Umbrage whereof I now dare to walk Abroad.
Reverend and Dear Sir, You
Very much Gratify'd me, as well as put a kind Respect upon me, when you put
into my hands, Your Elaborate and most seasonable Discourse, entituled, The
Wonders of the Invisible World. And having now Perused so fruitful and happy a
Composure, upon such a Subject, at this Juncture of Time, and considering the
Place that I Hold in the Court of Oyer and Terminer, still Labouring and
Proceeding in the Trial of the persons Accused and Convicted for Witchcraft, I
find that I am more nearly and highly concerned than as a meer Ordinary Reader,
to Express my Obligation and Thankfulness to you for so great Pains; and cannot
but hold my self many ways bound, even to the utmost of what is proper for me,
in my present Publick Capacity, to declare my Singular Approbation thereof.
Such is Your Design, most plainly expressed throughout the whole; such Your
Zeal for God, Your Enmity to Satan and his Kingdom, Your Faithfulness and
Compassion to this poor people; Such the Vigour, but yet great Temper of your
Spirit; Such your Instruction and Counsel, your Care of Truth, Your Wisdom and
Dexterity in allaying and moderating that among us, which needs it; Such your
Clear Discerning of Divine Providences and Periods, now running on apace
towards their Glorious Issues in the World; and finally, Such your Good News of
The Shortness of the Devils Time, That all Good Men must needs Desire the
making of this your Dis course Publick to the World; and will greatly Rejoyce
that the Spirit of the Lord has thus Enabled you to Lift up a Standard against
the Infernal Enemy, that hath been Coming in like a Flood upon us. I do
therefore make it my particular and Earnest Request unto you, that as soon as
may be, you will Commit the same unto the Press accordingly. I am,
I Live by Neighbours
that force me to produce these Undeserved Lines. But now, as when Mr.
Wilson,[108] beholding a great Muster of Souldiers, had it by a Gentleman then
present said unto him, “Sir, I'l tell you a great Thing: here is a mighty Body
of People; and there is not Seven of them all but what Loves Mr. Wilson;” that
Gracious Man presently and pleasantly Reply'd, “Sir, I'll tell you as good a
thing as that; here is a mighty Body of People, and there is not so much as One
among them all, but Mr. Wilson Loves him.” Somewhat so: 'Tis possible that
among this Body of People there may be few that Love the Writer of this Book;
but give me leave to boast so far, there is not one among all this Body of
People, whom this Mather would not Study to Serve, as well as to Love. With
such a Spirit of Love, is the Book now before us written: I appeal to all this
World; and if this World will deny me the Right of acknowledging so much, I
Appeal to the Other, that it is Not written with an Evil Spirit: for which
cause I shall not wonder, if Evil Spirits be Exasperated by what is Written, as
the Sadducees doubtless were with what was Discoursed in the Days of our
Saviour. I only Demand the Justice, that others Read it, with the same Spirit
where-with I writ it.[109]
But I shall no longer
detain my Reader, from His expected entertainment, in a Brief Account of the
Trials which have passed upon some of the Malefactors Lately Executed at Salem,
for the Witchcrafts whereof they stood Convicted. For my own part, I was not Present
at any of Them;[110] nor ever Had I any personal prejudice at the persons thus
brought upon the Stage; much less at the Surviving Relations of those persons,
with and for whom I would be as Hearty a mourner as any man Living in the
World: The Lord Comfort them! But having Received a Command so to do,[111] I
can do no other than shortly Relate the Chief Matters of fact, which occurr'd
in the Trials of some that were Executed, in an Abridgment collected out of the
Court-Papers, on this occasion put into my Hands.[112] You are to take the
Truth, just as it was; and the Truth will hurt no good man. There might have
been more of these, if my Book would not thereby have been swollen too big; and
if some other worthy hands did not perhaps intend something further in these
Collections;[113] for which cause I have only singled out Four or Five, which
may serve to Illustrate the way of dealing, wherein Witchcrafts use to be
concerned; and I Report matters not as an Advocate but as an Historian.
They were some of the
Gracious Words inserted in the Advice, which many of the Neighbouring Ministers
did this Summer humbly lay before our Honorable Judges, “We cannot but with all
thankfulness acknowledge the success which the Merciful God has given unto the
Sedulous and Assiduous endeavours of Our Honourable Rulers, to detect the
abominable Witchcrafts which have been committed in the Country; Humbly Praying
that the discovery of those mysterious and mischievous wickednesses, may be
perfected.”[114] If in the midst of the many Dissatisfactions among us, the
publication of these Trials may promote such a pious Thankfulness unto God, for
Justice being so far executed among us, I shall Re joyce that God is Glorified;
and pray that no wrong steps of ours may ever sully any of His Glorious
Works.[115]
[104] Wilhelm Adolf
Scribonius, a Hessian scholar, is best known in the literature of witchcraft as
the chief advocate of the water ordeal (see p. 21, above) for the detection of
witches. This story is told on ff. 82-83 of his Physiologia Sagarum (Marburg,
1588 -- the full title is De Sagarum Natura et Potestate, deque his recte
cognoscendis et puniendis Physiologia), and in English by Baxter, Worlds of
Spirits, p. 104.
[105] As to this “plot
of the Devil,” see Mather's own words (Wonders, pp. 16-19, 25, not here
reprinted): “we have been advised... that a Malefactor, accused of Witchcraft
as well as Murder, and Executed in this place more than Forty Years ago, did
then give Notice of An Horrible Plot against the Country by Witchcraft, and a
Foundation of Witchcraft then laid, which if it were not seasonably discovered
would probably Blow up, and pull down all the Churches in the Country.” “We
have now with Horror,” he adds, “seen the Discovery of such a Witchcraft!” and
from the confessions at Salem he learns that “at prodigious Witch-Meetings the
Wretches have proceeded so far as to Concert and Consult the Methods of Rooting
out the Christian Religion from this Country” and setting up instead of it a “Diabolism.”
Not even this is all: “it may be fear'd that, in the Horrible Tempest which is
now upon ourselves, the design of the Devil is to sink that Happy Settlement of
Government wherewith Almighty God has graciously enclined Their Majesties to
favour us.”
[106] It is of England,
of course, that he speaks.
[107] As to
Lieutenant-Governor Stoughton, head of the court which had tried the witch
cases, see above, p. 183 and note 2, and pp. 196-201. His “shield” means the
following letter.
[108] Doubtless the
Rev. John Wilson (d. 1667), the first minister of Boston.
[109] There now follow
the miscellaneous matters described in the introduction, making up more than
half of his volume.
[110] He must at least
have been present at some of the examinations (like those described by Lawson)
preceding the trials; for in his Diary (I. 151), commending the judges, he
adds, “and my Compassion, upon the Sight of their Difficulties, raised by my
Journeyes to Salem, the chief Seat of these diabolical Vexations, caused mee
yett more to do so.” From attending the trials he had excused himself (see the
letter mentioned on p. 194, note 5) on the score of ill health.
[111] From the
governor; see above, p. 194, and p. 250.
[112] See introduction.
[113] Meaning,
doubtless, Hale and Noyes. See p. 206, above.
[114] This is the
second paragraph in the reply of the ministers of Boston, June 15, 1692, to the
request of the governor and Council for advice. (See p. 194, above.) It was
drawn up by Cotton Mather himself.
[115] What next
follows, very cleverly ensuring a friendly attitude toward the Salem court, is
an account of the English witch-trial of 1664 before Sir Matthew Hale. It is
abridged from the well-known booklet (A Tryal of Witches at the Assizes held at
Bury St. Edmonds, etc.) published at London in 1682, which had been a guide to
the Salem judges (see p. 416, below).
Glad should I have
been, if I had never known the Name of this man; or never had this occasion to
mention so much as the first Letters of his Name.[117] But the Government
requiring some Account of his Trial to be Inserted in this Book, it becomes me
with all Obedience to submit unto the Order.
I. This G. B. was
indicted for Witch-crafts, and in the Prosecution of the Charge against him, he
was Accused by five or six of the Bewitched, as the Author of their Miseries;
he was Accused by eight of the Confessing Witches, as being an Head Actor at
some of their Hellish Randezvouzes, and one who had the promise of being a King
in Satans Kingdom, now going to be Erected: he was Accused by nine persons for
extraordinary Lifting, and such Feats of Strength, as could not be done without
a Diabolical Assistance. And for other such Things he was Accused, until about
Thirty Testimonies were brought in against him; nor were these judg'd the half
of what might have been considered for his Conviction: however they were enough
to fix the Character of a Witch upon him according to the Rules of Reasoning,
by the Judicious Gaule,[118] in that Case directed.
II. The Court being
sensible, that the Testimonies of the Parties Bewitched use to have a Room
among the Suspicions or Presumptions, brought in against one Indicted for
Witchcraft, there were now heard the Testimonies of several Persons, who were
most notoriously Bewitched, and every day Tortured by Invisible Hands, and
these now all charged the Spectres of G. B. to have a share in their Torments.
At the Examination of this G. B. the Bewitched People were grievously harassed
with Preternatural Mischiefs, which could not possibly be Dissembled; and they
still ascribed it unto the Endeavours of G. B. to kill them. And now upon his
Trial, one of the Bewitched Persons testify'd, That in her Agonies, a little
Black hair'd man came to her, saying his Name was B. and bidding her set her
hand unto a Book which he show'd unto her; and bragging that he was a Conjurer,
above the ordinary Rank of Witches; That he often persecuted her with the offer
of that Book, saying, She should be well, and need fear no body, if she would
but Sign it; but he inflicted cruel Pains and Hurts upon her, because of her
Denying so to do. The Testimonies of the other Sufferers concurred with these;
and it was Remarkable, that whereas Biting was one of the ways which the
Witches used for the vexing of the Sufferers, when they cry'd out of G. B.
biting them, the print of the Teeth would be seen on the Flesh of the
Complainers, and just such a sett of Teeth as G. B's would then appear upon
them, which could be distinguished from those of some other mens. Others of
them testify'd, That in their Torments, G. B. tempted them to go unto a
Sacrament, unto which they perceived him with a sound of Trumpet Summoning of
other Witches, who quickly after the Sound would come from all Quarters unto
the Rendezvouz. One of them falling into a kind of Trance, afterwards affirmed,
That G. B. had carried her into a very high Mountain, where he show'd her
mighty and glorious Kingdoms, and said, He would give them all to her, if she
would write in his Book; but she told him, They were none of his to give; and
refused the motions, enduring of much misery for that Refusal.
It cost the Court a
wonderful deal of Trouble, to hear the Testimonies of the Sufferers; for when
they were going to give in their Depositions, they would for a long time be
taken with fitts, that made them uncapable of saying any thing. The Chief Judge
asked the prisoner, who he thought hindred these witnesses from giving their
testimonies? and he answered, He supposed it was the Divel. That Honourable
person then reply'd, How comes the Divel so loathe to have any Testimony born
against you? Which cast him into very great confusion.
III. It has been a
frequent thing for the Bewitched people to be entertained with Apparitions of
Ghosts of murdered people, at the same time that the Spectres of the witches
trouble them. These Ghosts do always affright the Beholders more than all the
other spectral Representations; and when they exhibit themselves, they cry out,
of being Murdered by the witchcrafts or other violences of the persons who are
then in spectre present. It is further considerable, that once or twice, these
Apparitions have been seen by others at the very same time that they have shewn
them selves to the Bewitched; and seldom have there been these Apparitions but
when something unusual and suspected had attended the Death of the party thus
Appearing. Some that have bin accused by these Apparitions, accosting of the
Bewitched People, who had never heard a word of any such persons ever being in
the world, have upon a fair examination freely and fully confessed the murders
of those very persons, altho' these also did not know how the Apparitions had
complained of them. Accordingly several of the Bewitched had given in their
Testimony, that they had been troubled with the Apparitions of two women, who
said that they were G. B's two wives, and that he had been the Death of them;
and that the Magistrates must be told of it, before whom if B. upon his trial
deny'd it, they did not know but that they should appear again in the Court.
Now, G. B. had been infamous for the Barbarous usage of his two successive
wives, all the Country over. Moreover, It was testify'd, the spectre of G. B.
threatning of the sufferers told them, he had killed (besides others) Mrs.
Lawson and her Daughter Ann.[119] And it was noted, That these were the
vertuous wife and Daughter of one at whom this G. B. might have a prejudice for
his being serviceable at Salem-village, from whence himself had in Ill Terms
removed some years before: and that when they dy'd, which was long since, there
were some odd circumstances about them, which made some of the Attendents there
suspect something of witchcraft, tho' none Imagined from what Quarter it should
come.
Well, G. B. being now
upon his Triall, one of the Bewitched persons was cast into Horror at the
Ghosts of B's two deceased wives then appearing before him, and crying for
Vengeance against him. Hereupon several of the Bewitched persons were successively
called in, who all not knowing what the former had seen and said, concurred in
their Horror of the Apparition, which they affirmed that he had before him. But
he, tho' much appalled, utterly deny'd that he discerned any thing of it; nor
was it any part of his Conviction.
IV. Judicious Writers
have assigned it a great place in the Conviction of witches, when persons are
Impeached by other Notorious witches, to be as Ill as themselves; especially,
if the persons have been much noted for neglecting the Worship of God. Now, as
there might have been Testimonies Enough of G. B's Antipathy to Prayer and the
other Ordinances of God, tho' by his profession singularly obliged there-unto;
so, there now came in against the prisoner the Testimonies of several persons,
who confessed their own having been Horrible Witches, and ever since their
confessions had been themselves terribly Tortured by the Devils and other
Witches, even like the other Sufferers; and therein undergone the pains of many
Deaths for their Confessions.
These now Testify'd,
that G. B. had been at Witch-meetings with them; and that he was the Person who
had Seduc'd and Compell'd them into the snares of Witchcraft: That he promised
them Fine Cloaths, for doing it; that he brought Poppets to them, and thorns to
stick into those Poppets, for the afflicting of other People; And that he
exhorted them, with the rest of the Crue, to bewitch all Salem-Village, but be
sure to do it Gradually, if they would prevail in what they did.
When the Lancashire
Witches[120] were condemn'd, I don't Remember that there was any considerable
further Evidence, than that of the Bewitched, and then that of some that
confessed. We see so much already against G. B. But this being indeed not
Enough, there were other things to render what had already been produced
credible.
V. A famous Divine[121]
recites this among the Convictions of a Witch; The Testimony of the Party
Bewitched, whether Pining or Dying; together with the Joint Oathes of
Sufficient Persons that have seen certain Prodigious Pranks or Feats wrought by
the party Accused. Now God had been pleased so to leave this G. B. that he had
ensnared himself by several Instances, which he had formerly given of a
Preternatural strength, and which were now produced against him. He was a very
Puny man;[122] yet he had often done things beyond the strength of a Giant. A
Gun of about seven foot barrel, and so heavy that strong men could not steadily
hold it out with both hands; there were several Testimonies, given in by
Persons of Credit and Honour, that he made nothing of taking up such a Gun
behind the Lock, with but one hand, and holding it out like a Pistol, at
Arms-end. G. B. in his Vindication was so foolish as to say, That an Indian was
there, and held it out at the same time: Whereas, none of the Spectators ever
saw any such Indian; but they suppos'd the Black man (as the Witches call the
Devil; and they generally say he resembles an Indian) might give him that
Assistence. There was Evidence likewise brought in, that he made nothing of
Taking up whole Barrels fill'd with Malasses or Cider, in very Disadvantagious
Postures, and Carrying of them through the Difficultest Places out of a Canoo
to the Shore.
Yea, there were Two
Testimonies that G. B. with only putting the Fore-Finger of his Right hand into
the Muzzel of an heavy Gun, a Fowling-piece of about six or seven foot Barrel,
did Lift up the Gun, and hold it out at Arms end; a Gun which the Deponents
though strong men could not with both hands Lift up, and hold out at the Butt
end, as is usual. Indeed, one of these Witnesses was over perswaded by some
persons to be out of the way upon G. B's Trial; but he came afterwards with
sorrow for his withdraw, and gave in his Testimony: Nor were either of these
Witnesses made use of as evidences in the Trial.
VI. There came in several
Testimonies relating to the Domestick Affayrs of G. B. which had a very hard
Aspect upon him; and not only prov'd him a very ill man; but also confirmed the
Belief of the Character, which had been already fastned on him.
'Twas testifyed, That
keeping his two Successive Wives in a strange kind of Slavery, he would when he
came home from abroad pretend to tell the Talk which any had with them; That he
has brought them to the point of Death, by his Harsh Dealings with his Wives,
and then made the People about him to promise that in Case Death should happen,
they would say nothing of it; That he used all means to make his Wives Write,
Sign, Seal, and Swear a Covenant, never to Reveal any of his Secrets; That his
Wives had privately complained unto the Neighbours about frightful Apparitions
of Evil Spirits, with which their House was sometimes infested; and that many
such things have been Whispered among the Neighbourhood. There were also some
other Testimonies, relating to the Death of People, whereby the Consciences of
an Impartial Jury were convinced that G. B. had Bewitched the persons mentioned
in the Complaints. But I am forced to omit several passages, in this, as well
as in all the succeeding Trials, because the Scribes who took Notice of them,
have not Supplyed me.
VII. One Mr. Ruck,
Brother in Law to this G. B., Testify'd, that G. B. and he himself, and his
Sister, who was G. B's Wife, going out for Two or three Miles to gather
Straw-Berries, Ruck with his Sister the Wife of G. B. Rode home very Softly,
with G. B. on Foot in their Company. G. B. stept aside a little into the
Bushes; Whereupon they Halted and Halloo'd for him. He not answering, they went
away homewards, with a Quickened pace, without any expectation of seeing him in
a considerable while; and yet when they were got near home, to their
Astonishment they found him on foot with them, having a Basket of
Straw-Berries. G. B. immediately then fell to chiding his Wife, on the account
of what she had been speaking to her Brother, of him, on the Road: which when
they wondred at, he said, He knew their thoughts. Ruck being startled at that,
made some Reply, intimating that the Devil himself did not know so far; but G.
B. answered, My God makes known your Thoughts unto me. The prisoner now at the
Barr had nothing to answer, unto what was thus Witnessed against him, that was
worth considering. Only he said, Ruck and his Wife left a Man with him, when
they left him. Which Ruck now affirm'd to be false; and when the Court asked G.
B. What the Man's Name was? his countenance was much altered; nor could he say,
who 'twas. But the Court began to think, that he then step'd aside, only that
by the assistance of the Black Man, he might put on his Invisibility, and in
that Fascinating Mist, gratifie his own Jealous humour, to hear what they said
of him. Which trick of rendring themselves Invisible, our Witches do in their
confessions pretend that they sometimes are Masters of; and it is the more
credible, because there is Demonstration that they often render many other
things utterly Invisible.
VIII. Faltring, Faulty,
unconstant, and contrary Answers upon Judicial and deliberate examination, are
counted some unlucky symptoms of guilt, in all crimes, Especially in
Witchcrafts.[123] Now there never was a prisoner more Eminent for them, than G.
B. both at his Examination and on his Trial. His Tergiversations,
Contradictions, and Falsehoods, were very sensible: he had little to say, but
that he had heard some things that he could not prove, Reflecting upon the Reputation
of some of the witnesses. Only he gave in a paper to the Jury; wherein, altho'
he had many times before granted, not only that there are Witches, but also
that the present sufferings of the Countrey are the Effect of horrible
Witchcrafts, yet he now goes to evince it, That there neither are, nor ever
were Witches, that having made a compact with the Divel, Can send a Divel to
Torment other people at a distance. This paper was Transcribed out of Ady,[124]
which the Court presently[125] knew, as soon as they heard it. But he said, he
had taken none of it out of any Book; for which, his evasion afterwards was,
that a Gentleman gave him the discourse in a manuscript, from whence he
Transcribed it.
IX. The Jury brought
him in guilty: But when he came to Dy, he utterly deny'd the Fact, whereof he
had been thus convicted.[126]
[116] The Rev. George
Burroughs, the most notable of the victims at Salem. A graduate of Harvard in
the class of 1670, he preached in Maine for some years, and in 1680 became pastor
at Salem Village, where he fell heir to a parish quarrel, and, becoming
involved in it, found it wise to remove in 1683 -- Deodat Lawson succeeding
him. Burroughs returned to Maine, and was a pastor there at Wells, when his
accusation by the “afflicted” at Salem caused his arrest. He was brought back
to Salem on May 4, committed on May 9, tried on August 5, executed on August
19. As to his story see especially Upham, Salem Witchcraft, Sibley, Harvard
Graduates (II. 323-334), Moore, “Notes on the Bibliography of Witchcraft in
Massachusetts” (in American Antiquarian Society, Proceedings, n. s., V.), pp.
270-273, but, first of all, the mentions of Calef, reprinted below (pp. 301,
360-365, 378-379).
[117] It is not
improbable that Mather had already begun to find himself blamed for his harsh
words as to Burroughs. On August 5, the day of his trial, he had written to a
friend: “Our Good God is working of Miracles. Five Witches were Lately
Executed, impudently demanding of God a Miraculous Vindication of their
Innocency. Immediately upon this, Our God Miraculously sent in Five
Andover-Witches, who made a most ample, surprising, amazing Confession, of all
their Villainies and declared the Five newly executed to have been of their
Company; discovering many more; but all agreeing in Burroughs being their
Ringleader, who, I suppose, this day receives his Trial at Salem, whither a
Vast Concourse of people is gone; My Father this morning among the Rest.”
[118] John Gaule,
rector of Great Stoughton, in Huntingdonshire, was the first to oppose openly
the witch-finder Hopkins, and wrote a little book, Select Cases of Conscience
touching Witches and Witchcrafts (London, 1646), to lay bare his outrages and
suggest saner methods. (See Notestein, Witchcraft in England, pp. 186-187,
236-237.) His rules for the detection of witches are published (though not
without serious garbling) earlier in Mather's volume.
[119] The wife and the
daughter of Deodat Lawson; see p. 148.
[120] I. e., those
tried and executed in 1612, and famous through the Discoverie of Potts (London,
1613), which Mather seems here to use, and the play of Shadwell.
[121] John Gaule again:
this is the fifth of his “more certain” signs. (Select Cases, p. 82.)
[122] But see, on the
contrary, page 301.
[123] He is quoting
John Gaule -- the first of his “more certain” signs (Select Cases, pp. 80-81).
[124] Thomas Ady, A
Candle in the Dark (London, 1656) -- reprinted in 1661 as A Perfect Discovery
of Witches. In neither edition are precisely these words to be found; but their
substance occurs often. How bold and thoroughgoing a skeptic is Ady, and why
Mather counts it answer enough that the passage was taken from his book, may be
guessed from his opening sentence in which he gives “The Reason of the Book”: “The
Grand Errour of these latter Ages is ascribing power to Witches, and by foolish
imagination of mens brains, without grounds in the Scriptures, wrongfull
killing of the innocent under the name of Witches.” “When one Mr. Burroughs, a
Clergyman, who some few years since was hang'd in New-England as a Wizzard,
stood upon his Tryal,” wrote Dr. Hutchinson in 1718 in the book that was to end
the controversy (Historical Essay concerning Witchcraft, p. xv), “he pull'd out
of his Pocket a Leaf that he had got of Mr. Ady's Book, to prove that the
Scripture Witchcrafts were not like ours: And as that Defence was not able to
save him, I humbly offer my Book as an Argument on the Behalf of all such
miserable People.”
[125] “Presently” then
meant “at once.”
[126] For details as to
his execution see above, p. 177, and below, pp. 360-361. Before accepting in
perfect faith Mather's account of his trial, one should weigh not only the
comments of Calef (see pp. 378-380, below) and the severer criticisms of Upham
(Salem Witchcraft and Cotton Mather) but the extant records (Records of Salem
Witchcraft, II. 109-128; Mass. Hist. Soc., Proceedings, 1860-1862, pp. 31-37;
indictment, Calef, p. 113).
I. She was Indicted for
Bewitching of several persons in the Neighbourhood, the Indictment being drawn
up, according to the Form in such Cases usual. And pleading, Not Guilty, there
were brought in several persons, who had long undergone many kinds of Miseries,
which were preternaturally Inflicted, and generally ascribed unto an horrible
Witchcraft. There was little Occasion to prove the Witchcraft, it being Evident
and Notorious to all Beholders. Now to fix the Witchcraft on the Prisoner at
the Bar, the first thing used, was the Testimony of the Bewitched; whereof
several Testify'd, That the Shape of the Prisoner did oftentimes very
grievously pinch them, choak them, Bite them, and Afflict them; urging them to
write their Names in a Book, which the said Spectre called, Ours. One of them
did further Testify, that it was the Shape of this Prisoner, with another,
which one Day took her from her Wheel, and carrying her to the River side,
threatned there to Drown her, if she did not Sign to the Book mentioned: which
yet she refused. Others of them did also Testify, that the said Shape did in
her Threats brag to them that she had been the Death of sundry persons, then by
her Named; that she had Ridden a man then likewise Named. Another Testify'd the
Apparition of Ghosts unto the Spectre of Bishop, crying out, You Murdered us!
About the Truth whereof, there was in the matter of Fact but too much
Suspicion.
II. It was Testify'd,
That at the Examination of the Prisoner before the Magistrates, the Bewitched
were extreamly Tortured. If she did but cast her Eyes on them, they were
presently struck down; and this in such a manner as there could be no Collusion
in the Business. But upon the Touch of her Hand upon them, when they lay in
their Swoons, they would immediately Revive; and not upon the Touch of any ones
else. Moreover, upon some Special Actions of her Body, as the shaking of her
Head, or the Turning of her Eyes, they presently and painfully fell into the
like postures. And many of the like Accidents now fell out, while she was at
the Bar. One at the same time testifying, That she said, She could not be
Troubled to see the Afflicted thus Tormented.
III. There was
Testimony likewise brought in, that a man striking once at the place, where a
Bewitched person said, the Shape of this Bishop stood, the Bewitched cried out,
that he had Tore her Coat, in the place then particularly specify'd; and the
Womans Coat was found to be Torn in that very place.
IV. One Deliverance
Hobbs, who had Confessed her being a Witch, was now Tormented by the Spectres,
for her Confession. And she now Testify'd, That this Bishop tempted her to Sign
the Book again, and to Deny what she had Confess'd. She affirmed, that it was
the Shape of this Prisoner, which whipped her with Iron Rods, to compel her
thereunto. And she affirmed, that this Bishop was at a General Meeting of the
Witches, in a Field at Salem-Village, and there partook of a Diabolical
Sacrament in Bread and Wine then Administred!
V. To render it further
Unquestionable, that the prisoner at the Bar was the Person truly charged in
this Witchcraft, there were produced many Evidences of other Witchcrafts, by
her perpetrated. For Instance, John Cook testify'd, that about five or six
years ago, One morning, about Sun-Rise, he was in his Chamber assaulted by the
Shape of this prisoner: which Look'd on him, grin'd at him, and very much hurt
him with a Blow on the side of the Head: and that on the same day, about Noon,
the same Shape walked in the Room where he was, and an Apple strangely flew out
of his Hand, into the Lap of his Mother, six or eight foot from him.
VI. Samuel Gray
testify'd, That about fourteen years ago, he wak'd on a Night, and saw the Room
where he lay full of Light; and that he then saw plainly a Woman between the
Cradle and the Bed-side, which look'd upon him. He Rose, and it vanished; tho'
he found the Doors all fast. Looking out at the Entry-Door, he saw the same
Woman, in the same Garb again; and said, In Gods Name, what do you come for? He
went to Bed, and had the same Woman again assaulting him. The Child in the
Cradle gave a great schreech, and the Woman Disappeared. It was long before the
Child could be quieted; and tho' it were a very likely thriving Child, yet from
this time it pined away, and after divers months dy'd in a sad Condition. He
knew not Bishop, nor her Name; but when he saw her after this, he knew by her
Countenance, and Apparrel, and all Circumstances, that it was the Apparition of
this Bishop which had thus troubled him.
VII. John Bly and his
Wife testify'd, that he bought a sow of Edward Bishop, the Husband of the
prisoner; and was to pay the price agreed, unto another person. This Prisoner
being Angry that she was thus hindred from fingring the money, Quarrell'd with
Bly. Soon after which, the Sow was taken with strange Fits, Jumping, Leaping,
and knocking her head against the Fence; she seem'd Blind and Deaf, and would
neither eat nor be suck'd. Whereupon a neighbour said, she believed the
Creature was Over-Looked; and sundry other circumstances concurred, which made
the Deponents Belive that Bishop had Bewitched it.
VIII. Richard Coman
testify'd, that eight years ago, as he lay Awake in his Bed, with a Light
Burning in the Room, he was annoy'd with the Apparition of this Bishop, and of
two more that were strangers to him, who came and oppressed him so, that he
could neither stir himself, nor wake any one else, and that he was the night
after molested again in the like manner; the said Bishop taking him by the
Throat, and pulling him almost out of the Bed. His kinsman offered for this
cause to lodge with him; and that Night, as they were Awake, Discoursing
together, this Coman was once more visited by the Guests which had formerly
been so troublesome; his kinsman being at the same time strook speechless and
unable to move Hand or Foot. He had laid his sword by him, which these unhappy
spectres did strive much to wrest from him; only he held too fast for them. He
then grew able to call the People of his house; but altho' they heard him, yet
they had not power to speak or stirr; until at last, one of the people crying
out, what's the matter? the spectres all vanished.
IX. Samuel Shattock
testify'd, That in the Year 1680, this Bridget Bishop often came to his house
upon such frivolous and foolish errands, that they suspected she came indeed
with a purpose of mischief. Presently whereupon his eldest child, which was of
as promising Health and Sense as any child of its Age, began to droop
exceedingly; and the oftener that Bishop came to the House, the worse grew the
Child. As the Child would be standing at the Door, he would be thrown and
bruised against the Stones, by an Invisible Hand, and in like sort knock his
Face against the sides of the House, and bruise it after a miserable manner.
Afterwards this Bishop would bring him things to Dy, whereof he could not
Imagine any use; and when she paid him a piece of Money, the Purse and Money
were unaccountably conveyed out of a Lock'd box, and never seen more. The Child
was immediately hereupon taken with terrible fits, whereof his Friends thought
he would have dyed: indeed he did almost nothing but cry and Sleep for several
Months together; and at length his understanding was utterly taken away. Among
other Symptoms of an Inchantment upon him, one was, that there was a Board in
the Garden, whereon he would walk; and all the invitations in the world could
never fetch him off. About Seventeen or Eighteen years after, there came a
Stranger to Shattocks House, who seeing the Child, said, “This poor Child is
Bewitched; and you have a Neighbour living not far off, who is a Witch.” He
added, “Your Neighbour has had a falling out with your Wife; and she said in
her Heart, your Wife is a proud Woman, and she would bring down her Pride in
this Child.” He then Remembred, that Bishop had parted from his Wife in
muttering and menacing Terms, a little before the Child was taken Ill. The
abovesaid Stranger would needs carry the Bewitched Boy with him to Bishops
House, on pretence of buying a pot of Cyder. The Woman Entertained him in
furious manner; and flew also upon the Boy, scratching his Face till the Blood
came; and saying, “Thou Rogue, what, dost thou bring this Fellow here to plague
me?” Now it seems the Man had said, before he went, that he would fetch Blood
of her. Ever after the Boy was follow'd with grievous Fits, which the Doctors
themselves generally ascribed unto Witchcraft; and wherein he would be thrown
still into the Fire or the Water, if he were not constantly look'd after; and
it was verily believed that Bishop was the cause of it.
X. John Louder
testify'd, that upon some little controversy with Bishop about her fowles,
going well to Bed, he did awake in the Night by moonlight, and did see clearly
the likeness of thisoman grievously oppressing him; in which miserable
condition she held him, unable to help him self, till near Day. He told Bishop
of this; but she deny'd it, and threatned him very much. Quickly after this,
being at home on a Lords day, with the doors shutt about him, he saw a Black
Pig approach him; at which he going to kick, it vanished away. Immediately
after, sitting down, he saw a Black thing Jump in at the Window, and come and
stand before him. The Body was like that of a Monkey, the Feet like a Cocks,
but the Face much like a mans. He being so extreemly affrighted, that he could
not speak, this Monster spoke to him, and said, “I am a Messenger sent unto
you, for I understand that you are in some Trouble of Mind, and if you will be
ruled by me, you shall want for nothing in this world.” Whereupon he
endeavoured to clap his hands upon it; but he could feel no substance, and it
jumped out of the window again; but immediately came in by the Porch, though
the Doors were shut, and said, “You had better take my Counsel!” He then struck
at it with a stick, but struck only the Groundsel, and broke the Stick. The Arm
with which he struck was presently Disenabled, and it vanished away. He
presently went out at the Back-Door, and spyed this Bishop, in her Orchard,
going toward her House; but he had not power to set one foot forward unto her.
Whereupon returning into the House, he was immediately accosted by the Monster
he had seen before; which Goblin was now going to Fly at him; whereat he cry'd
out, “The whole Armour of God be between me and you!” So it sprang back, and
flew over the Apple Tree, shaking many Apples off the Tree, in its flying over.
At its Leap, it flung Dirt with its Feet against the Stomach of the Man;
whereon he was then struck Dumb, and so continued for three Days together. Upon
the producing of this Testimony, Bishop deny'd that she knew this Deponent: yet
their two Orchards joined, and they had often had their Little Quarrels for
some years together.
XI. William Stacy
Testifyed, That receiving Money of this Bishop, for work done by him, he was
gone but a matter of Three Rods from her, and looking for his money, found it
unaccountably gone from him. Some time after, Bishop asked him, whether his
Father would grind her grist for her? He demanded why? she Reply'd, “Because
Folks count me a Witch.” He answered, “No Question, but he will grind it for
you.” Being then gone about six Rods from her, with a small Load in his Cart,
suddenly the Off-wheel slump't and sunk down into an Hole upon plain ground, so
that the Deponent was forced to get help for the Recovering of the wheel. But
stepping Back to look for the Hole which might give him this disaster, there
was none at all to be found. Some time after, he was waked in the Night; but it
seem'd as Light as Day, and he perfectly saw the shape of this Bishop in the
Room, Troubling of him; but upon her going out, all was Dark again. He charg'd
Bishop afterwards with it, and she deny'd it not; but was very angry. Quickly
after, this Deponent having been threatned by Bishop, as he was in a dark Night
going to the Barn, he was very suddenly taken or lifted from the ground, and thrown
against a stone wall; After that, he was again hoisted up and thrown down a
Bank, at the end of his House. After this again, passing by this Bishop, his
Horse with a small load, striving to Draw, all his Gears flew to pieces, and
the Cart fell down; and this deponent going then to lift a Bag of corn, of
about two Bushels, could not budge it with all his might.
Many other pranks of
this Bishops this Deponent was Ready to testify. He also testify'd, that he
verily Believed, the said Bishop was the Instrument of his Daughter Priscilla's
Death; of which suspicion, pregnant Reasons were assigned.
XII. To Crown all, John
Bly and William Bly Testify'd, That being Employ'd by Bridget Bishop, to help
take down the Cellar-wall of the old House, wherein she formerly Lived, they
did in Holes of the said old Wall find several Poppets,[128] made up of Rags
and Hogs Brussels, with Headless Pins in them, the Points being outward.
Whereof she could give no Account unto the Court, that was Reasonable or
Tolerable.
XIII. One thing that
made against the Prisoner was, her being evidently convicted of Gross Lying in
the Court, several Times, while she was making her Plea. But besides this, a
Jury of Women found a preternatural Teat upon her Body,[129] but upon a second
search, within Three or four hours, there was no such thing to be seen. There
was also an account of other people whom this woman had afflicted. And there
might have been many more, if they had been enquired for. But there was no need
of them.
XIV. There was one very
strange thing more, with which the Court was newly Entertained. As this Woman
was, under a Guard, passing by the Great and Spacious Meeting-House of Salem,
she gave a Look towards the House. And immediately a Dæmon Invisibly Entring
the Meeting-house, Tore down a part of it; so that tho' there were no person to
be seen there, yet the people at the Noise running in, found a Board, which was
strongly fastned with several Nails, transported unto another quarter of the
House.
[127] As to Bridget
Bishop see also pp. 249, 356, below. She was of Salem Village, where she kept a
sort of wayside tavern, but had long lived in the town, and still held property
there. She was the first witch to be tried (June 2) and executed (June 10) --
perhaps because she had so long been under suspicion. The records of her case
are printed in Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 135-172.
[128] Supposed, of
course, by her accusers to be such “images” as witches were alleged to make of
their victims, for the sake of torturing them by proxy. (See above, p. 163,
note 1, p. 219, and below, p. 440, note 1.)
[129] See below, p.
436, and note 1.
I. Susanna Martin,
pleading Not Guilty to the Indictment of Witchcraft brought in against her,
there were produced the evidences of many persons very sensibly and grievously
Bewitched; who all complaned of the prisoner at the Bar, as the person whom
they Believed the cause of their Miseries. And now, as well as in the other
Trials, there was an extraordinary endeavour by Witchcrafts, with Cruel and
Frequent Fits, to hinder the poor sufferers from giving in their complaints;
which the Court was forced with much patience to obtain, by much waiting and
watching for it.
II. There was now also
an Account given, of what passed at her first examination before the
Magistrates. The cast of her eye then striking the Afflicted People to the
ground, whether they saw that Cast or no; there were these among other passages
between the Magistrates and the Examinate.
Magistrate. Pray, what ails
these People?
Martin. I don't know.
Magistrate. But what do you
think ails them?
Martin. I don't desire
to spend my Judgment upon it.
Magistrate. Don't you think
they are Bewitch'd?
Martin. No, I do not
think they are.
Magistrate. Tell us your
thoughts about them then.
Martin. No, my thoughts
are my own when they are in, but when they are out, they are anothers. Their
Master --
Magistrate. Their Master? who
do you think is their Master?
Martin. If they be
dealing in the Black Art, you may know as well as I.
Magistrate. Well, what have
you done towards this?
Martin. Nothing at all.
Magistrate. Why, tis you or
your Appearance.
Martin. I cannot help
it.
Magistrate. Is it not Your
Master? How comes your Appearance to hurt these?
Martin. How do I know?
He that appeared in the shape of Samuel, a Glorify'd Saint, may Appear in any
ones shape.
It was then also noted
in her, as in others like her, that if the Afflicted went to approach her, they
were flung down to the Ground. And, when she was asked the Reason of it, she
said, “I cannot tell; it may be, the Devil bears me more Malice than another.”
III. The Court
accounted themselves Alarum'd by these things, to Enquire further into the
Conversation of the Prisoner; and see what there might occur, to render these
Accusations further credible. Whereupon, John Allen, of Salisbury, testify'd,
That he refusing, because of the weakness of his Oxen, to Cart some Staves, at
the request of this Martin, she was displeased at it; and said, “It had been as
good that he had; for his Oxen should never do him much more Service.”
Whereupon this Deponent said, “Dost thou threaten me, thou old Witch? I'l throw
thee into the Brook”: Which to avoid, she flew over the Bridge, and escaped.
But, as he was going home, one of his Oxen Tired, so that he was forced to
Unyoke him, that he might get him home. He then put his Oxen, with many more,
upon Salisbury Beach, where Cattle did use to get Flesh. In a few days, all the
Oxen upon the Beach were found by their Tracks, to have run unto the mouth of
Merrimack-River, and not returned; but the next day they were found come ashore
upon Plum-Island. They that sought them used all imaginable gentleness, but
they would still run away with a violence that seemed wholly Diabolical, till
they came near the mouth of Merrimack-River; when they ran right into the Sea,
swimming as far as they could be seen. One of them then swam back again, with a
swiftness amazing to the Beholders, who stood ready to receive him, and help up
his Tired Carcass: But the Beast ran furiously up into the Island, and from
thence, through the Marishes, up into Newbury Town, and so up into the Woods;
and there after a while found near Amesbury. So that, of Fourteen good Oxen,
there was only this saved: the rest were all cast up, some in one place, and
some in another, Drowned.
IV. John Atkinson
Testify'd, That he Exchanged a Cow with a Son of Susanna Martins, whereat she
muttered, and was unwilling he should have it. Going to Receive this Cow, tho'
he Hamstring'd her, and Halter'd her, she of a Tame Creature grew so mad, that
they could scarce get her along. She broke all the Ropes that were fastned unto
her, and though she were Ty'd fast unto a Tree, yet she made her Escape, and
gave them such further Trouble, as they could ascribe to no cause but
Witchcraft.
V. Bernard Peache
testify'd, That being in Bed on a Lords-day Night, he heard a scrabbling at the
Window, whereat he then saw Susanna Martin come in, and jump down upon the
Floor. She took hold of this Deponents Feet, and drawing his Body up into an
Heap, she lay upon him near Two Hours; in all which time he could neither speak
nor stirr. At length, when he could begin to move, he laid hold on her Hand,
and pulling it up to his mouth, he bit three of her Fingers, as he judged, unto
the Bone. Whereupon she went from the Chamber, down the Stairs, out at the
Door. This Deponent there-upon called unto the people of the House, to advise
them of what passed; and he himself did follow her. The people saw her not; but
there being a Bucket at the Left-hand of the Door, there was a drop of Blood
found on it; and several more drops of Blood upon the Snow newly fallen abroad.
There was likewise the print of her two Feet just without the Threshold; but no
more sign of any Footing further off.
At another time this
Deponent was desired by the Prisoner, to come unto an Husking of Corn, at her
House; and she said, If he did not come, it were better that he did! He went
not; but the Night following, Susanna Martin, as he judged, and another came
towards him. One of them said, “Here he is!” but he having a Quarter-staff,
made a Blow at them. The Roof of the Barn broke his Blow; but following them to
the Window, he made another Blow at them, and struck them down; yet they got
up, and got out, and he saw no more of them.
About this time, there
was a Rumour about the Town, that Martin had a Broken Head; but the Deponent
could say nothing to that.
The said Peache also
testify'd the Bewitching of Cattle to Death, upon Martin's Discontents.
VI. Robert Downer
testifyed, That this Prisoner being some years ago prosecuted at Court for a
Witch,[131] he then said unto her, He believed she was a Witch. Whereat she
being dissatisfied, said, That some Shee-Devil would Shortly fetch him away!
Which words were heard by others, as well as himself. The Night following, as
he lay in his Bed, there came in at the Window the likeness of a Cat, which
Flew upon him, took fast hold of his Throat, lay on him a considerable while,
and almost killed him. At length he remembred what Susanna Martin had threatned
the Day before; and with much striving he cryed out, “Avoid, thou Shee-Devil!
In the Name of God the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, Avoid!” Whereupon
it left him, leap'd on the Floor, and Flew out at the Window.
And there also came in
several Testimonies, that before ever Downer spoke a word of this Accident,
Susanna Martin and her Family had related, How this Downer had been Handled!
VII. John Kembal
testifyed, that Susanna Martin, upon a Causeless Disgust, had threatned him,
about a certain Cow of his, That she should never do him any more Good: and it
came to pass accordingly. For soon after the Cow was found stark Dead on the
dry Ground, without any Distemper to be discerned upon her. Upon which he was
followed with a strange Death upon more of his Cattle, whereof he lost in One
Spring to the value of Thirty Pounds. But the said John Kembal had a further
Testimony to give in against the Prisoner which was truly admirable.
Being desirous to
furnish himself with a Dog, he applied himself to buy one of this Martin, who
had a Bitch with Whelps in her House. But she not letting him have his Choice,
he said, he would supply himself then at one Blezdels. Having mark'd a puppy
which he lik'd at Blezdels, he met George Martin, the Husband of the prisoner,
going by, who asked him, Whether he would not have one of his Wives Puppies?
and he answered, No. The same Day, one Edmund Eliot, being at Martins House,
heard George Martin relate, where this Kembal had been, and what he had said.
Whereupon Susanna Martin replyed, “If I live, I'll give him Puppies enough!”
Within a few Dayes after, this Kembal coming out of the Woods, there arose a
little Black Cloud in the N.W. and Kembal immediately felt a Force upon him,
which made him not able to avoid running upon the stumps of Trees, that were
before him, albeit he had a broad, plain Cart way, before him; but tho' he had
his Ax also on his Shoulder to endanger him in his Falls, he could not forbear
going out of his way to tumble over them. When he came below the Meeting-House,
there appeared unto him a little thing like a Puppy, of a Darkish Colour; and
it shot backwards and forwards between his Legs. He had the Courage to use all
possible Endeavours of Cutting it with his Ax; but he could not Hit it; the
Puppy gave a jump from him, and went, as to him it seem'd, into the Ground.
Going a little further, there appeared unto him a Black Puppy, somewhat bigger
than the first, but as Black as a Cole. Its motions were quicker than those of
his Ax; it Flew at his Belly, and away; then at his Throat; so, over his
Shoulder one way, and then over his Shoulder another way. His heart now began
to fail him, and he thought the Dog would have Tore his Throat out. But he
recovered himself, and called upon God in his Distress; and Naming the Name of
Jesus Christ, it Vanished away at once. The Deponent Spoke not one Word of
these Accidents, for fear of affrighting his wife. But the next Morning, Edmond
Eliot going into Martins House, this woman asked him where Kembal was? He
Replyed, At home, a bed, for ought he knew. She returned, “They say, he was
frighted last Night.” Eliot asked, “With what?” She answered, “With Puppies.”
Eliot asked, Where she heard of it, for he had heard nothing of it? She
rejoined, “About the Town.” Altho' Kembal had mentioned the Matter to no
Creature Living.
VIII. William Brown
testify'd, that Heaven having blessed him with a most Pious and prudent wife,
this wife of his one day mett with Susanna Martin; but when she approch'd just
unto her, Martin vanished out of sight, and left her extremely affrighted.
After which time, the said Martin often appear'd unto her, giving her no little
trouble; and when she did come, she was visited with Birds that sorely peck't
and Prick'd her; and sometimes a Bunch, like a pullets egg, would Rise in her
throat, ready to Choak her, till she cry'd out, “Witch, you shan't choak me!”
While this good Woman was in this Extremity, the Church appointed a Day of
Prayer, on her behalf; whereupon her Trouble ceas'd; she saw not Martin as
formerly; and the Church, instead of their Fast, gave Thanks for her
Deliverance. But a considerable while after, she being Summoned to give in some
Evidence at the Court, against this Martin, quickly thereupon this Martin came
behind her, while she was milking her Cow, and said unto her, “For thy defaming
me at Court, I'l make thee the miserablest Creature in the World.” Soon after
which, she fell into a strange kind of Distemper, and became horribly Frantick,
and uncapable of any Reasonable Action; the Physicians declaring, that her
Distemper was preternatural, and that some Devil had certainly Bewitched her;
and in that Condition she now remained.
IX. Sarah Atkinson
testify'd, That Susanna Martin came from Amesbury to their House at Newbury, in
an extraordinary Season, when it was not fit for any one to Travel. She came
(as she said unto Atkinson) all that long way on Foot. She brag'd and show'd
how dry she was; nor could it be perceived that so much as the Soles of her
Shoes were wet. Atkinson was amazed at it; and professed, that she should her
self have been wet up to the knees, if she had then came so far; but Martin
reply'd, She scorn'd to be Drabbled! It was noted, that this Testimony upon her
Trial cast her in a very singular Confusion.
X. John Pressy
testify'd, That being one Evening very unaccountably Bewildred, near a field of
Martins, and several times, as one under an Enchantment, returning to the place
he had left, at length he saw a marvellous Light, about the Bigness of an
Half-Bushel, near two Rod out of the way. He went, and struck at it with a
Stick, and laid it on with all his might. He gave it near forty blows; and felt
it a palpable substance. But going from it, his Heels were struck up, and he
was laid with his Back on the Ground, Sliding, as he thought, into a Pit; from
whence he recover'd, by taking hold on the Bush; altho' afterwards he could
find no such Pit in the place. Having, after his Recovery, gone five or six
Rod, he saw Susanna Martin standing on his Left-hand, as the Light had done
before; but they changed no words with one another. He could scarce find his
House in his Return; but at length he got home, extreamly affrighted. The next
day, it was upon Enquiry understood, that Martin was in a miserable condition
by pains and hurts that were upon her.
It was further
testify'd by this Deponent, That after he had given in some Evidence against
Susanna Martin, many years ago, she gave him foul words about it; and said, He
should never prosper more; particularly, That he should never have more than
two Cows; that tho' he were never so likely to have more, yet he should never
have them. And that from that very Day to this, namely for Twenty Years
together, he could never exceed that Number; but some strange thing or other
still prevented his having of any more.
XI. Jervis Ring
testifyed, that about seven years ago, he was oftentimes and grievously
Oppressed in the Night, but saw not who Troubled him, until at last he, Lying
perfectly Awake, plainly saw Susanna Martin approach him. She came to him, and
forceably Bit him by the Finger; so that the Print of the Bite is now so long after
to be seen upon him.
XII. But besides all of
these Evidences, there was a most wonderful Account of one Joseph Ring,
produced on this Occasion.
This man has been
strangely carried about by Dæmons, from one Witch-Meeting to another, for near
two years together; and for one Quarter of this Time, they have made him and
kept him Dumb, tho' he is now again able to speak. There was one T. H.[132] who
having, as tis judged, a Design of engaging this Joseph Ring in a Snare of
Devillism, contrived a wile, to bring this Ring two Shillings in Debt unto him.
Afterwards, this poor
man would be visited with unknown shapes, and this T. H. sometimes among them;
which would force him away with them, unto unknown Places, where he saw
meetings, Feastings, Dancings; and after his Return, wherein they hurried him
along thro' the Air, he gave Demonstrations to the Neighbours, that he had
indeed been so transported. When he was brought unto these Hellish meetings,
one of the First things they still[133] did unto him, was to give him a knock
on the Back, whereupon he was ever as if Bound with Chains, uncapable of
Stirring out of the place, till they should Release him. He related, that there
often came to him a man, who presented him a Book, whereto he would have him
set his Hand; promising to him, that he should then have even what he would;
and presenting him with all the Delectable Things, persons, and places, that he
could imagine. But he refusing to subscribe, the business would end with
dreadful Shapes, Noises and Screeches, which almost scared him out of his
witts. Once with the Book, there was a Pen offered him, and an Inkhorn with
Liquor in it, that seemed like Blood: but he never toucht it.
This man did now
affirm, that he saw the Prisoner at several of those Hellish Randezvouzes.
Note, This Woman was
one of the most Impudent, Scurrilous, wicked creatures in the world; and she
did now throughout her whole Trial discover herself to be such an one. Yet when
she was asked, what she had to say for her self? her Cheef Plea was, That she
had Led a most virtuous and Holy Life!
[130] Of Amesbury. She
too had been long accused. For the trial records see Records of Salem
Witchcraft, I. 193-233. She was executed on July 19.
[131] In 1669. She was
then bound over to the Superior Court, but was discharged without trial.
(Hutchinson, History of Massachusetts, II., ch. I., as published from an
earlier draft, with notes by W. F. Poole, in N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register,
XXIV.)
[132] Thomas Hardy, of
Great Island, near Portsmouth. See Records, I. 216.
[133] Always.
I. Elizabeth How
pleading Not Guilty to the Indictment of Witchcrafts, then charged upon her,
the Court, according to the usual proceeding of the Courts in England, in such
Cases, began with hearing the Depositions of Several Afflicted People, who were
grievously Tortured by sensible and evident Witchcrafts, and all complained of
the Prisoner, as the cause of their Trouble. It was also found that the
Sufferers were not able to bear her Look, as likewise, that in their greatest
Swoons, they distinguished her Touch from other peoples, being thereby raised
out of them.
And there was other
Testimony of people to whom the shape of this How gave trouble Nine or Ten
years ago.
II. It has been a most
usual thing for the Bewitched persons, at the same time that the Spectres
representing the Witches Troubled them, to be visited with Apparitions of
Ghosts, pretending to have bin Murdered by the Witches then represented. And
sometimes the confessions of the witches afterwards acknowledged those very
Murders, which these Apparitions charged upon them; altho' they had never heard
what Informations had been given by the Sufferers.
There were such
Apparitions of Ghosts testified by some of the present Sufferers, and the
Ghosts affirmed that this How had Murdered them: which things were Fear'd but
not prov'd.
III. This How had made
some Attempts of Joyning to the Church, at Ipswich, several years ago; but she
was deny'd an Admission into that Holy Society, partly through a suspicion of
witchcraft, then urged against her. And there now came in Testimony, of
Preternatural Mischiefs, presently befalling some that had been Instrumental to
Debar her from the Communion, whereupon she was Intruding.
IV. There was a
particular Deposition of Joseph Safford, That his Wife had conceived an extream
Aversion to this How, on the Reports of her Witchcrafts: but How one day,
taking her by the hand, and saying, “I believe you are not Ignorant of the
great Scandal that I ly under, by an evil Report Raised upon me,” She
immediately, unreasonably, and unperswadeably, even like one Enchanted, began
to take this Womans part. How being soon after propounded, as desiring an
Admission to the Table of the Lord, some of the pious Brethren were unsatisfy'd
about her. The Elders appointed a Meeting to hear Matters objected against her;
and no Arguments in the world could hinder this Goodwife Safford from going to
the Lecture. She did indeed promise, with much ado, that she would not go to
the Church-Meeting, yet she could not refrain going thither also. How's Affayrs
there were so Canvased, that she came off rather Guilty than Cleared;
nevertheless Goodwife Safford could not forbear taking her by the Hand, and
saying, “Tho' you are Condemned before men, you are Justify'd before God.” She
was quickly taken in a very strange manner, Frantick, Raving, Raging and Crying
out, “Goody How must come into the Church; she is a precious Saint; and tho'
she be Condemned before Men, she is Justify'd before God.” So she continued for
the space of two or three Hours; and then fell into a Trance. But coming to her
self, she cry'd out, “Ha! I was mistaken”; and afterwards again repeated, “Ha!
I was mistaken!” Being asked by a stander by, “Wherein?” She replyed, “I
thought Goody How had been a Precious Saint of God, but now I see she is a
Witch. She has Bewitched me, and my Child, and we shall never be well, till
there be Testimony for her, that she may be taken into the Church.” And How
said afterwards, that she was very Sorry to see Safford at the Church-Meeting
mentioned. Safford after this declared herself to be afflicted by the Shape of
How; and from that Shape she endured many Miseries.
V. John How, Brother to
the Husband of the prisoner testifyed, that he refusing to accompany the
prisoner unto her Examination, as was by her desired, immediately some of his
Cattle were Bewitched to Death, Leaping three or four foot high, turning about,
Squeaking, Falling, and Dying, at once; and going to cut off an Ear, for an use
that might as well per haps have been Omitted,[135] the Hand wherein he held
his knife was taken very Numb, and so it remained, and full of Pain, for
several Dayes; being not well at this very Time. And he suspected this prisoner
for the Author of it.
VI. Nehemiah Abbot
testify'd, that unusual and mischievous Accidents would befal his cattle,
whenever he had any Difference with this Prisoner. Once, Particularly, she
wished his Oxe Choaked; and within a Little while that Oxe was Choaked with a
Turnip in his Throat. At another time, refusing to lend his horse, at the
Request of her Daughter, the horse was in a Preternatural manner abused. And
several other Odd Things of that kind were testify'd.
VII. There came in
Testimony, that one goodwife Sherwin, upon some Difference with How, was
Bewitched, and that she Dy'd, Charging this How of having an Hand in her Death.
And that other People had their Barrels of Drink unaccountably mischieved,
spoilt, and spilt, upon their Displeasing of her.
The things in
themselves were Trivial; but there being such a Course of them, it made them
the more to be considered. Among others, Martha Wood gave her Testimony, that a
Little after her Father had been employ'd in gathering an Account of Howes
Conversation, they once and again Lost Great Quantities of Drink out of their
Vessels, in such a manner, as they could ascribe to nothing but Witchcraft. As
also, that How giving her some Apples, when she had eaten of them she was taken
with a very strange kind of a maze, insomuch that she knew not what she said or
did.
VIII. There was
Likewise a cluster of Depositions, that one Isaac Cummings refusing to lend his
Mare unto the Husband of this How, the mare was within a Day or two taken in a
strange condition. The Beast seemed much Abused; being Bruised, as if she had
been Running over the Rocks, and marked where the Bridle went, as if burnt with
a Red hot Bridle. Moreover, one using a Pipe of Tobacco for the Cure of the
Beast, a blew Flame issued out of her, took hold of her Hair, and not only
Spread and Burnt on her, but it also flew upwards towards the Roof of the Barn,
and had like to have set the Barn on Fire. And the Mare dy'd very suddenly.
IX. Timothy Perley and
his Wife Testify'd, not only that unaccountable Mischiefs befel their Cattle,
upon their having of Differences with this Prisoner: but also, that they had a
Daughter destroy'd by Witchcrafts; which Daughter still charged How as the
cause of her Affliction; and it was noted, that she would be struck down,
whenever How were spoken of. She was often endeavoured to be Thrown into the
Fire, and into the Water, in her strange Fits: tho' her Father had Corrected
her for Charging How with Bewitching her, yet (as was testify'd by others also)
she said, she was sure of it, and must dy standing to it. Accordingly she
Charged How to the very Death; and said, Tho' How could Afflict and Torment her
Body, yet she could not Hurt her Soul: and, That the Truth of this matter would
appear, when she should be Dead and Gone.
X. Francis Lane
testify'd, That being hired by the Husband of this How to get him a parcel of
Posts and Rails, this Lane hired John Pearly to assist him. This Prisoner then
told Lane, that she believed the Posts and Rails would not do, because John
Perley helped him; but that if he had got them alone, without John Pearlies
help, they might have done well enough. When James How came to receive his
Posts and Rails of Lane, How taking them up by the ends, they, tho' good and
sound, yet unaccountably broke off, so that Lane was forced to get Thirty or
Forty more. And this Prisoner being informed of it, she said, she told him so
before; because Pearly help'd about them.
XI. Afterwards there
came in the Confessions of several other (penitent) Witches, which affirmed
this How to be one of those, who with them had been baptized by the Devil in
the River at Newbery-Falls: before which, he made them there kneel down by the
Brink of the River and Worship him.
[134]. Of Ipswich. For
the touching story of her trial and of the loyalty of her blind husband and her
daughters, see especially Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 216-223, and, in the
Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society, XIII. (1908), the
study on “Topsfield in the Witchcraft Delusion,” by Mrs. Towne and Miss Clark.
In the same volume (pp. 107-126) Mr. G. F. Dow has published the records of her
case more completely than has Woodward in Records of Salem Witchcraft (II.
69-94). She was executed on July 19.
[135]. What this
purpose may have been does not appear in the evidence: John How testifies
merely that a neighbor who had laughed at him for thinking the sow bewitched
told him to cut off her ear, “the which I did.” It was doubtless to burn it, as
a means to detect the witch. So, Perkins and Gaule say, in England it was a
practice to burn the thing bewitched; and so at New Haven, in 1657, Thomas
Mullener cut off the tail and ear of a pig and threw them into the fire to find
out the witch (Records of the Colony of New Haven, II. 224). The belief was
that the person who then first came to the fire was the witch (see below,
p.411).
I. Martha Carrier was
Indicted for the Bewitching of certain Persons, according to the Form usual in
such Cases. Pleading Not Guilty, to her Indictment, there were First brought in
a considerable number of the Bewitched Persons; who not only made the Court
sensible of an horrid Witchcraft committed upon them, but also deposed, That it
was Martha Carrier, or her Shape, that Grievously Tormented them, by Biting,
Pricking, Pinching, and Choaking of them. It was further deposed, that while
this Carrier was on her Examination, before the Magistrates, the Poor People
were so Tortured that every one expected their Death upon the very Spott; but
that upon the binding of Carrier they were eased. Moreover the Look of Carrier
then laid the Afflicted People for Dead; and her Touch, if her Eye at the same
Time were off them, raised them again. Which things were also now seen upon her
Trial. And it was Testifyed, that upon the mention of some having their Necks
twisted almost round, by the Shape of this Carrier, she replyed, “Its no matter,
tho' their Necks had been twisted quite off.”
II. Before the Trial of
this prisoner, several of her own Children had frankly and fully confessed, not
only that they were Witches themselves, but that this their Mother had made
them so. This Confession they made with great shows of Repentance, and with
much Demonstration of Truth. They Related Place, Time, Occasion; they gave an
account of Journeyes, Meetings, and Mischiefs by them performed; and were very
credible in what they said. Nevertheless, this Evidence was not produced
against the Prisoner at the Bar, inasmuch as there was other Evidence enough to
proceed upon.
III. Benjamin Abbot
gave in his Testimony, that last March was a twelve month, this Carrier was
very Angry with him, upon laying out some Land, near her Husbands: Her
Expressions in this Anger, were, That she would stick as close to Abbot, as the
Bark stuck to the Tree, and that he should Repent of it afore seven years came
to an end, so as Doctor Prescot should never cure him. These words were heard
by others, besides Abbot himself; who also heard her say, She would hold his
Nose as close to the Grindstone, as ever it was held since his Name was Abbot.
Presently after this, he was taken with a swelling in his Foot, and then with a
pain in his side, and exceedingly Tormented. It bred into a sore, which was
Lanced by Doctor Prescot, and several Gallons of Corruption ran out of it. For
six weeks it continued very bad; and then another sore bred in his Groin, which
was also Lanc'd by Doctor Prescot. Another Sore then bred in his Groin, which
was likewise Cut, and put him to very great Misery. He was brought unto Deaths
Door, and so remained until Carrier was taken, and carried away by the
Constable; from which very day, he began to mend, and so grew better every day,
and is well ever since.
Sarah Abbot also, his
Wife, testify'd, that her Husband was not only all this while Afflicted in his
Body, but also that strange, extraordinary and unaccountable Calamities befel
his Cattel; their Death being such as they could guess at no Natural Reason
for.
IV. Allin Toothaker
testify'd, That Richard, the Son of Martha Carrier, having some Difference with
him, pull'd him down by the Hair of the Head. When he Rose again, he was going
to strike at Richard Carrier; but fell down flat on his Back to the ground, and
had not power to stir hand or foot, until he told Carrier he yielded; and then
he saw the Shape of Martha Carrier go off his Breast.
This Toothaker had
Received a Wound in the Wars; and he now testify'd, that Martha Carrier told
him, He should never be Cured. Just afore the Apprehending of Carrier, he could
thrust a knitting Needle into his Wound, four Inches Deep; but presently after
her being Siezed, he was thoroughly Healed.
He further testify'd,
That when Carrier and he sometimes were at variance, she would clap her hands
at him, and say, He should get nothing by it; Whereupon he several times lost
his Cattle, by strange Deaths, whereof no Natural Causes could be given.
V. John Rogger also testifyed,
That upon the threatning words of this malicious Carrier, his Cattle would be
strangely Bewitched; as was more particularly then described.
VI. Samuel Preston
testify'd, that about two years ago, having some Difference with Martha
Carrier, he lost a Cow in a strange Preternatural unusual manner; and about a
month after this, the said Carrier, having again some Difference with him, she
told him, He had lately lost a Cow, and it should not be long before he Lost
another! which accordingly came to Pass; for he had a Thriving and well-kept
Cow, which without any known cause quickly fell down and Dy'd.
VII. Phebe Chandler
testify'd, that about a Fortnight before the apprehension of Martha Carrier, on
a Lords-Day, while the Psalm was singing, in the Church, this Carrier then took
her by the shoulder and shaking her, asked her, where she Lived? she made her
no Answer, although as Carrier, who lived next door to her Fathers House, could
not in reason but know who she was. Quickly after this, as she was at several
times crossing the Fields, she heard a voice, that she took to be Martha
Carriers, and it seem'd as if it was over her Head. The voice told her, she
should within two or three days be Poisoned. Accordingly, within such a Little
time, One Half of her Right Hand became greatly swollen, and very painful; as
also part of her Face; whereof she can give no account how it came. It
continued very Bad for some dayes; and several times since, she has had a great
pain in her Breast; and been so siezed on her Legs, that she has hardly been
able to go. She added that lately, going well to the House of God, Richard, the
Son of Martha Carrier, Look'd very earnestly upon her, and immediately her
hand, which had formerly been poisoned, as is abovesaid, began to pain her
greatley, and she had a strange Burning at her stomach; but was then struck
deaf, so that she could not hear any of the prayer, or singing, till the two or
three last words of the Psalme.
VIII. One Foster, who
confessed her own Share in the Witchcraft for which the Prisoner stood
indicted, affirm'd, That she had seen the Prisoner at some of their
Witch-Meetings, and that it was this Carrier, who perswaded her to be a Witch.
She confessed, That the Devil carry'd them on a Pole, to a Witch-Meeting; but the
Pole broke, and she hanging about Carriers Neck, they both fell down, and she
then Received an Hurt by the Fall, whereof she was not at this very time
Recovered.
IX. One Lacy, who
likewise confessed her share in this Witchcraft, now Testify'd, That she and
the Prisoner were once Bodily present at a Witch-meeting in Salem-Village; and
that she knew the Prisoner to be a Witch, and to have been at a Diabolical
Sacrament, and that the Prisoner was the undoing of her and her Children, by
Enticing them into the Snare of the Devil.
X. Another Lacy, who
also Confessed her share in this Witchcraft, now Testify'd, That the Prisoner
was at the Witch-Meeting, in Salem Village, where they had Bread and Wine
Administred unto them.
XI. In the Time of this
Prisoner's Trial, one Susanna Shelden in open Court had her Hands Unaccountably
Ty'd together with a Wheel-band, so fast that without Cutting it could not be
Loosed: It was done by a Spectre; and the Sufferer affirm'd, it was the
Prisoners.
Memorandum. This
Rampant Hag, Martha Carrier, was the Person, of whom the Confessions of the
Witches, and of her own Children among the rest, agreed, That the Devil had
promised her, she should be Queen of Hell.
Having thus far done
the Service imposed upon me, I will further pursue it, by relating a few of
those Matchless Curiosities, with which the Witchcraft now upon us has
entertained us. And I shall Report nothing but with Good Authority, and what I
would Invite all my Readers to examine, while tis yet Fresh and New, that if there
be found any mistake, it may be as willingly Retracted, as it was unwillingly
Committed.
[136] Of Andover. She
was executed, like Burroughs, on August 19, the day when Mather himself was
present and said “all died by a righteous sentence” (Sewall, Diary, I. 363). “All
of them,” says Judge Sewall, “said they were innocent, Carrier and all.”
Important for her case are, beside the Records of Salem Witchcraft (II. 54-68,
198-199), the documents preserved by Hutchinson (Massachusetts, II., ch. I., and
the draft edited by Poole in N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXIV.). They are
reprinted in Abbot's History of Andover (Andover, 1829), and Mrs. Bailey, in
her Historical Sketches of Andover (Boston, 1880) has added others and told the
story in detail (pp. 194-237). On Goodwife Carrier and her Andover neighbors
see also pp. 180-182, 363, 371-375, 418-421.
I. Tis very Remarkable
to see what an Impious and Impudent Imitation of Divine Things is Apishly
affected by the Devil, in several of those matters, whereof the Confessions of
our Witches and the Afflictions of our Sufferers have informed us.
That Reverend and
Excellent Person, Mr. John Higginson,[137] in My Conversation with him, Once
invited me to this Reflection; That the Indians which came from far to settle
about Mexico, were in their Progress to that Settlement, under a Conduct of the
Devil, very strangely Emulating what the Blessed God gave to Israel in the
Wilderness.
Acosta[138] is our
Author for it, that the Devil in their Idol Vitzlipultzli governed that mighty
Nation. He commanded them to leave their Country, promising to make them Lords
over all the Provinces possessed by Six other Nations of Indians, and give them
a Land abounding with all precious things. They went forth, carrying their Idol
with them, in a Coffer of Reeds, supported by Four of their Principal Priests;
with whom he still Discoursed, in secret, Revealing to them the Successes, and
Accidents of their way. He advised them, when to March, and where to Stay, and
without his Commandment they moved not. The first thing they did, wherever they
came, was to Erect a Tabernacle, for their False God; which they set always in
the midst of their Camp, and there placed the Ark upon an Altar. When they,
Tired with pains, talked of proceeding no further in their Journey, than a
certain pleasant Stage, whereto they were arrived, this Devil in one night
horribly kill'd them that had started this Talk, by pulling out their Hearts.
And so they passed on, till they came to Mexico.
The Devil which then
thus imitated what was in the Church of the Old Testament, now among Us would
Imitate the Affayrs of the Church in the New. The Witches do say, that they
form themselves much after the manner of Congregational Churches; and that they
have a Baptism and a Supper, and Officers among them, abominably Resembling
those of our Lord.
But there are many more
of these Bloody Imitations, if the Confessions of the Witches are to be
Received; which I confess, ought to be but with very much of Caution.
What is their striking
down with a fierce Look? What is their making of the Afflicted Rise, with a
touch of their Hand? What is their Transportation thro' the Air? What is their
Travelling in Spirit, while their Body is cast into a Trance? What is their
causing of Cattle to run mad and perish? What is their Entring their Names in a
Book? What is their coming together from all parts, at the Sound of a Trumpet?
What is their Appearing sometimes Cloathed with Light or Fire upon them? What
is their Covering of themselves and their Instruments with Invisibility? But a
Blasphemous Imitation of certain Things recorded about our Saviour, or His
Prophets, or the Saints in the Kingdom of God.
[137] Senior minister
at Salem Town. See also p. 248, note 2, and pp. 398, 399-402.
[138] It is the Spanish
Jesuit, Joseph Acosta, who in his Natural and Moral History of the Indies (bk.
VII., ch. 4) relates this. Mather seems to have used the English version of
Grimston (London, 1604), paraphrasing and abridging after a free fashion and
inserting from the following chapter what is in his last two sentences.
II. In all the
Witchcraft which now Grievously Vexes us, I know not whether any thing be more
Unaccountable, than the Trick which the Witches have, to render themselves and
their Tools Invisible. Witchcraft seems to be the Skill of Applying the Plastic
Spirit of the World[139] unto some unlawful purposes, by means of a Confederacy
with Evil Spirits. Yet one would wonder how the Evil Spirits themselves can do
some things: especially at Invisibilizing of the Grossest Bodies. I can tell
the Name of an Ancient Author, who pretends to show the way, how a man may come
to walk about Invisible, and I can tell the Name of another Ancient Author, who
pretends to Explode that way. But I will not speak too plainly, Lest I should
unawares Poison some of my Readers, as the Pious Hemingius did one of his
Pupils, when he only by way of Diversion recited a Spell, which, they had said,
would cure Agues.[140] This much I will say; The notion of procuring
Invisibility, by any Natural Expedient yet known, is, I Believe, a meer
Plinyism; How far it may be obtained by a Magical Sacrament, is best known to
the Dangerous Knaves that have Try'd it. But our Witches do seem to have got
the Knack: and this is one of the Things, that make me think, Witchcraft will
not be fully understood, until the Day when there shall not be one Witch in the
World.
There are certain
people very Dogmatical about these matters; but I'l give them only these Three
Bones to Pick.
First, One of our
Bewitched people was cruelly assaulted by a Spectre, that, she said, ran at her
with a Spindle: tho' no body else in the Room, could see either the Spectre or
the Spindle. At last, in her miseries, giving a Snatch at the Spectre, she
pull'd the Spindle away; and it was no sooner got into her hand, but the other
people then present beheld, that it was indeed a Real, Proper, Iron Spindle,
belonging they knew to whom; which when they Lock'd up very safe, it was
nevertheless by Dæmons unaccountably stole away, to do further mischief.
Secondly, Another of
our Bewitched People was haunted with a most abusive Spectre, which came to
her, she said, with a Sheet about her. After she had undergone a deal of Teaze,
from the Annoyances of the Spectre, she gave a Violent Snatch at the Sheet that
was upon it; wherefrom she tore a Corner, which in her Hand immediately became
Visible to a Roomful of Spectators; a Palpable Corner of a Sheet. Her Father,
who was now holding her, Catch'd that he might Keep what his Daughter had so
strangely Seized, but the unseen Spectre had like to have pull'd his Hand off,
by Endeavouring to wrest it from him; however he still held it, and I suppose
has it still to show; it being but a few Hours ago, namely about the Beginning
of this October, that this Accident happened; in the family of one Pitman, at
Manchester.
Thirdly, A young man,
delaying to procure Testimonials for his Parents, who being under confinement
on Suspicion of Witchcraft, required him to do that Service for them, was
quickly pursued with odd Inconveniences. But once above the Rest, an Officer
going to put his Brand on the Horns of some Cows, belonging to these people,
which tho' he had Siez'd for some of their Debts, yet he was willing to leave
in their Possession, for the Subsistence of the poor Family; this young man
help'd in holding the Cows to be thus Branded. The three first Cows he held
well enough; but when the hot Brand was clap't upon the Fourth, he winc'd and
shrunk at such a rate, as that he could hold the Cow no longer. Being
afterwards Examined about it, he Confessed, That at that very Instant when the
Brand entred the Cows Horn, exactly the like burning Brand was clap'd upon his
own Thigh; where he has Exposed the Lasting Marks of it, unto such as asked to
see them.
Unriddle these Things,
-- Et Eris mihi magnus Apollo.[141]
[139] This phrase shows
the influence of Ralph Cudworth (see his Intellectual System, bk. I., ch. III.,
§37) and through him of Cambridge Platonism -- whose demonology (e. g.,
Cudworth, bk. I., ch. V., at end) must also be remembered here.
[140] It is the great
Danish theologian Nicholas Hemming (Niels Hemmingsen) who tells this story of
himself in his Admonitio de Superstitionibus Magicis vitandis (Copenhagen,
1575), fol. C2 verso.
[141] “And thou shalt
be to me a great Apollo” -- i. e., a great revealer of mysteries. For their
unriddling see p. 370, below.
III. If a Drop of
Innocent Blood should be shed, in the Prosecution of the Witchcrafts among us,
how unhappy are we! For which cause, I cannot express my self in better terms,
than those of a most Worthy Person, who lives near the present Center of these
things.[142] “The Mind of God in these matters, is to be carefully look'd into,
with due Circumspection, that Satan deceive us not with his Devices, who
transforms himself into an Angel of Light, and may pretend Justice and yet
intend Mischief.” But on the other side, if the Storm of Justice do now fall
only on the Heads of those Guilty Witches and Wretches which have defiled our
Land, How Happy!
The Execution of some
that have lately Dyed has been immediately attended with a strange Deliverance
of some, that had lain for many years in a most sad Condition, under they knew
not whose Evil Hands. As I am abundantly satisfy'd, That many of the
Self-Murders committed here, have been the effects of a Cruel and Bloody
Witchcraft, letting fly Dæmons upon the miserable Seneca's;[143] thus, it has been
admirable unto me to see, how a Devillish Witchcraft, sending Devils upon them,
has driven many poor people to Despair, and persecuted their minds with such
Buzzes[144] of Atheism and Blasphemy, as has made them even run Distracted with
Terrors: and some long Bow'd down under such a Spirit of Infirmity, have been
marvelously Recovered upon the Death of the Witches.
One Whetford
particularly ten years ago, challenging of Bridget Bishop (whose Trial you have
had) with Stealing of a Spoon, Bishop threatned her very direfully: presently
after this was Whetford in the Night, and in her Bed, visited by Bishop, with
one Parker, who making the Room Light at their coming in, there discoursed of
several mischiefs they would inflict upon her. At last, they pull'd her out,
and carried her unto the Sea-side, there to drown her; but she calling upon
God, they left her, tho' not without Expressions of their Fury. From that very
Time, this poor Whetford was utterly spoilt, and grew a Tempted, Froward,
Crazed sort of a Woman; a vexation to her self, and all about her; and many
ways unreasonable. In this Distraction she lay, till those women were
Apprehended, by the Authority; then she began to mend; and upon their
Execution, was presently and perfectly Recovered, from the ten years madness
that had been upon her.
[142]. It has been
suggested that this means the Rev. John Higginson, the venerable senior
minister at Salem, whose hesitation as to the proceedings may be inferred from
Brattle's words (p. 184, above) -- and from all else we know. See below, p.
398.
[143]. The philosopher
Seneca, it will be remembered, was an advocate of suicide and ended his own
life thus.
[144]. Whisperings.
IV. 'Tis a thousand
pitties, that we should permit our Eyes to be so Blood-shot with passions, as
to loose the sight of many wonderful Things, wherein the Wisdom and Justice of
God, would be Glorify'd. Some of those Things, are the frequent Apparitions of
Ghosts, whereby many Old Murders among us, come to be considered. And, among
many Instances of this kind, I will single out one, which concerned a poor man,
lately Prest unto Death, because of his Refusing to Plead for his Life.[145] I
shall make an Extract of a Letter, which was written to my Honourable Friend,
Samuel Sewal, Esq.,[146] by Mr. Putman,[147] to this purpose;
The Last Night my
Daughter Ann was grievously Tormented by Witches, Threatning that she should be
Pressed to Death, before Giles Cory. But thro' the Goodness of a Gracious God,
she had at last a little Respite. Whereupon there appeared unto her (she said)
a man in a Winding Sheet; who told her that Giles Cory had Murdered him, by
Pressing him to Death with his Feet; but that the Devil there appeared unto
him, and Covenanted with him, and promised him, He should not be Hanged. The
Apparition said, God Hardened his Heart, that he should not hearken to the
Advice of the Court, and so Dy an easy Death; because as it said, “It must be
done to him as he has done to me.” The Apparition also said, That Giles Cory
was carry'd to the Court for this, and that the Jury had found the Murder, and
that her Father knew the man, and the thing was done before she was born. Now
Sir, This is not a little strange to us; that no body should Remember these things,
all the while that Giles Cory was in Prison, and so often before the Court. For
all people now Remember very well, (and the Records of the Court also mention
it,) That about Seventeen Years ago, Giles Cory kept a man in his House, that
was almost a Natural Fool: which Man Dy'd suddenly. A Jury was Impannel'd upon
him, among whom was Dr. Zorobbabel Endicot;[148] who found the man bruised to
Death, and having clodders of Blood about his Heart. The Jury, whereof several
are yet alive, brought in the man Murdered; but as if some Enchantment had
hindred the Prosecution of the Matter, the Court Proceeded not against Giles
Cory, tho' it cost him a great deal of Mony to get off.
Thus the Story.
The Reverend and Worthy
Author, having at the Direction of His Excellency the Governour, so far Obliged
the Publick, as to give some Account of the Sufferings brought upon the
Countrey by Witchcraft; and of the Trials which have passed upon several
Executed for the Same:
Upon Perusal thereof,
We find the Matters of Fact and Evidence, Truly reported. And a Prospect given,
of the Methods of Conviction, used in the Proceedings of the Court at Salem.
[145]. As to the case
of Giles Corey see below, pp. 366-367.
[146]. Judge Sewall, of
the court.
[147]. Thomas Putnam,
of Salem Village, whose wife and daughter played so large a part as accusers.
[148]. Of Salem
Village. A son of John Endicott, the first governor of the Bay colony, and
himself much honored as a physician.
Of Robert Calef almost
nothing is known except what can be learned from his book. There has even been
doubt as to whether, of the two Robert Calefs known to us in Boston at this
time, the writer was the father or the son. In 1692, the time of the Salem
witchcraft, the father's age was 44, the son's 18.[149] It is unlikely that
anybody would have thought of the son but for a note copied into one of the
memorandum-books of Dr. Jeremy Belknap (1744-1798).[150] This note, of unknown
source reads: “Robert Calef, author of `More Wonders of the Invisible World,'
printed at London in 1700, was a native of England; a young man of good sense,
and free from superstition; a merchant in Boston. He was furnished with
materials for his work by Mr. Brattle, of Cambridge; and his brother, of
Boston; and other gentlemen, who were opposed to the Salem proceedings. -- E.
P.” The writer speaks as if with knowledge; and that so sound a historian as
Dr. Belknap should have copied the note speaks for its worth. Able scholars
have by it been led to ascribe the book to the younger Robert; but more careful
study seems to show the objections insuperable. The author never adds “Jr.” to
his name, as a son would have done, and as seems to have been the younger
Robert's custom.[151] He never pleads youth, even when most apologetic; and,
what weighs more, his indignant foes, seeking all ways to discredit him, never
hint at such a thing. His matter and style have in them nothing of boyishness;
and once, in words suggestive of a migrant and a man of years, he speaks (p.
297, below) of “sound Reason, which is what I have been long seeking for in
this Country in vain.” Most serious of all, his handwriting seems that found in
documents clearly the elder Calef's, and is that of a mature and even by 1700
that of an aging man; while that of the younger Robert was in 1719-1722 still
firm and flexible -- and notably different.[152]
Robert Calef the elder
came to America at some time before 1688. He was a cloth-merchant, and
doubtless a maker as well as a seller of cloths.[153] Of his eight children the
eldest was, in 1692, a physician in Ipswich. What led to the writing of More
Wonders he has himself told us in his book. It remains only to testify to the
care and exactness which all comparison of his work with the records seems to
show, and to remark that to a student of the literature of witchcraft it is
evident that his reading is larger than he cares to parade. Though he clearly
belonged to the popular party, this is as likely to be a result as a cause --
it is probably neither -- of his feeling on the subject of the witch
superstition; and that he had else any grievance against the Mathers or their
colleagues there is no reason to think.
His book, though
completed in 1697, was not printed till 1700, and then in London. In June,
1698, Cotton Mather records in his diary that “a sort of a Sadducee in this
town” “hath written a Volumn of invented and notorious lies”; “this Volumn,” he
adds, “hee is, as I understand, sending to England, that it may bee printed
there.” Why it found no printer in New England can be guessed; the storm it
raised when it appeared in print is well known. President Increase Mather “ordered
the wicked book to be burnt in the college yard,” [154] and his son's diary is
eloquent with vexation.
“Some Years ago,” runs
his entry of November 15, 1700, “a very wicked sort of a Sadducee in this Town,
raking together a crue of Libels, which he had written at several Times,
(especially relating to the Wonders of the Invisible World which have been
among us) wherein I am the cheef Butt of his malice, (tho' many other better
Servants of the Lord are also most maliciously abused by him:) he sent this
vile Volume to London to be published. Now, tho' I had often and often cried
unto the Lord, that the Cup of this Man's abominable Bundle of Lies, written on
purpose, with a Quil under a special Energy and Management of Satan, to damnify
my precious Opportunities of Glorifying my Lord Jesus Christ, might pass from
me; Yett, in this point, the Lord has denied my Request: the Book is printed,
and the Impression is this week arrived here.”
It was even felt
necessary to print a reply; but the two Mathers held it beneath them to plead
in their own vindication. It fell to their parishioners. “My pious neighbours
are so provoked,” writes Cotton Mather (December 4), “at the diabolical
Wickedness of the Man who has published a Volume of Libels against my Father
and myself, that they sett apart whole Dayes of Prayer, to complain unto God
against him.” The outcome of their communings together was a pamphlet called
Some Few Remarks upon a Scandalous Book against the Gospel and Ministry of New
England, written by one Robert Calef. It was signed by seven, one of them John
Goodwin; but the materials were furnished by their pastors. It aimed however at
their personal exculpation, and has small interest for the public story.[155]
The doughty merchant
survived the storm. In 1702-1704 he served his townsmen as an overseer of the
poor, in 1707 was chosen an assessor, in 1710 a tithingman. It was perhaps
about this time that he retired to Roxbury, where in 1707 he had bought a place
and where he was a selectman of the town when, in 1719, death found him. There,
in the old burial ground just opposite his home, a stone still testifies that “Here
lyes buried the body of Mr. Robert Calef, aged seventy-one years, died April
the Thirteenth, 1719.” [156]
Calef's book has been
five times reprinted: in 1796, at Salem, by William Carlton (12°, pp. 318);
again at Salem, in 1823, a mere reimpression, with the addition, from the court
files, of Giles Corey's examination (12°, pp. 312); in Boston, 1828 (24°, pp. 333),
again a reimpression; at Salem, 1861, edited by Mr. S. P. Fowler, with Cotton
Mather's Wonders, in his volume Salem Witchcraft (see p. 207); and, more
faithfully, in 1866 at Roxbury, as nos. VI., VII., of Woodward's Historical
Series, under the editorship of S. G. Drake (see pp. 207-208). The present text
follows the original edition (1700), but corrects it by the list of Errata to
be found in the copy (once Cotton Mather's) possessed by the Massachusetts
Historical Society.[157]
[149]. S. G. Drake, in
the introduction to his edition of Calef, would make his age 14; but the
genealogist of the family, Mr. Matthew A. Stickney, says 18. Yet Mr. Stickney
urges the father's authorship (N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXX. 461; XLIX.
224). He died in 1894, leaving this genealogy, alas, unpublished, and his heirs
decline to let it be consulted.
[150]. Mass. Hist.
Soc., Proceedings, 1858, p. 288.
[151]. Thus in 1706 “Robt.
Calef, Jun.,” was chosen a clerk of the market (Boston Record Commissioners'
Reports, VIII. 36); thus in 1708 “Robert Calef, junr.” becomes a constable
(id., VIII. 45), and gains permission to erect a house (id., XI. 68, XXIX.
187); thus, too, in that year (see plate) he signs himself “Ro. Calfe Jnr”;
thus in 1710 “Robert Calfe, Jr.,” appears on the rolls of the Artillery Company
(N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXXVIII. 341); and it is after his father's
death that (see plate) in 1719 to a receipted account, in 1721 to his will, in
1722 to the release of a mortgage, he signed “Rob Calfe”, “Ro: Calfe”, “Robert
Calfe” (see the last two in Drake's Witchcraft Delusion, II. xxii, xxiv).
[152]. From the author
of More Wonders we have two unquestionable autographs: (1) his marginalia of
1695 on Cotton Mather's paper (see below, p. 306, note 1) and (2) a letter of
1700 presenting a copy of his book to the Earl of Bellomont, then governor of
Massachusetts and New York. A page of the former is to be photographed in the
Massachusetts Historical Society's Proceedings for 1913-1914; and the latter (now
in the New York Public Library) is reproduced in full in the Memorial History
of Boston (II. 168). Specimens of both are given in our own plate; and to these
are added (1) the signature “Robert Calef” from the report of two appraisers,
October 30, 1693; (2) the signature “Robt. Calef” from the verdict of a Boston
coroner's jury, January 15, 1696; (3) the same signature, with a line or two of
text in the same hand, from the decision of two arbitrators (Boston, July 29,
1697); and (4) the last lines and the signature of a paper drawn by “Robt.
Calef” as a selectman of Roxbury in March, 1717 (?). That all six specimens are
in the same hand, and in a hand different from the younger Calef's, will hardly
be questioned. Is not the older Robert, too, more likely than the younger to
have been an appraiser in 1693, a coroner's juror in 1696, and an arbiter in
1697? And (though Calef and Calfe were undoubtedly pronounced alike or nearly
so) is it not less probable that the author of More Wonders changed the habitual
spelling of his signature than that a younger Robert, if not the author, should
thus have distinguished his identity from his father's? What arguments led the
genealogist Stickney to ascribe the book to the father cannot now be learned:
the “full statement of the reasons” promised by him to the N. E. Hist. and Gen.
Register (see XXX. 461) was, like his genealogy, never published. But, from an
article on “Robert Calef” by Mr. W. S. Harris in the Granite Monthly for 1907
(XXXIX. 157-163), and from correspondence with its author, it is learned that
another student of the Calef pedigree (Mr. W. W. Lunt, of Hingham, Mass.) has
reached that result by a comparison of handwritings. Mr. Harris, it should be
added, quotes the Rev. John Kelly as saying in a funeral sermon (1808) for
Judge John Calfe (b. 1740) of Hampstead, N. H., that the latter's ancestor (who
was the elder Calef, not the younger) was the author of the book.
[153]. In 1701 Cotton
Mather calls him “the Weaver (though he presumes to call himself Merchant)”
(Some Few Remarks, p. 35).
[154]. Eliot,
Biographical Dictionary (1809), s. v. “Calef.”
[155]. Let any who
would know the contents of the excessively rare little booklet turn to the
works of Upham and Poole mentioned on p. 91; and in his Diary (I. 383-384)
Mather narrates how the book was compiled. The More Wonders it describes as “a
Libellous Book lately come into this Countrey... which is writ (with what help
we know not) by one Robert Calef, who presumes to call himself Merchant of
Boston.” “It was highly rejoicing to us,” add the writers, “when we heard that
our Booksellers were so well acquainted with the Integrity of our Pastors, as
that not one of them could admit of any of those Libels to be vended in their
shops.” Pp. 34-50 of its seventy-one pages are taken up by a letter of Cotton
Mather to the authors. It was perhaps a passage in Mather's letter that led “E.
P.” to think Robert Calef a “young man”; for those words, in italics and with
capital initials, stare from a sentence so obscure that to a hasty glance
Calef, instead of Mather himself, might easily seem to be meant.
[156]. For these and
other personal details see Drake's memoir, in his ed. of Calef, and his History
and Antiquities of Boston, pp. 529, 531; Boston Record Commissioners' Reports,
I. 156, 160, VII. 210, 218, 225, 229, VIII. 24, 26, 31, 33, 41, 43, 75, IX.
179, 195, XI. 145; Memorial History of Boston, IV. 652; F. S. Drake, The Town
of Roxbury (Boston, 1905), pp. 102, 140-149; N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register,
XIV. 52; and the above-cited article of W. S. Harris, which has a photograph of
the gravestone. From these mentions will be learned also the name of his wife,
Mary, and of the two of his eight children who were born (1688, 1691) after his
coming to Boston. It will be learned, too, that in 1692 he was a constable, in
1694 hayward and fenceviewer, in 1697 a surveyor of highways, in 1698 a clerk
of the market. At least it is to “Robert Calef,” not to “Robert Calef, Jr.,”
that the records award these offices. And it is perhaps to be noticed that
while the name of “Robert Calef” is often preceded by “Mr.”, that title does
not appear before that of “Robert Calef, Jr.”
[157]. See Drake's ed.,
III. 223.
More Wonders of the
Invisible World: Or, The Wonders of the Invisible World, Display'd in Five
Parts.
Part I. An Account of
the Sufferings of Margaret Rule, Written by the Reverend Mr. C. M.
P. II. Several Letters
to the Author, etc. And his Reply relating to Witchcraft.
P. III. The Differences
between the Inhabitants of Salem Village, and Mr. Parris their Minister, in
New-England.
P. IV. Letters of a
Gentleman uninterested, Endeavouring to prove the received Opinions about
Witchcraft to be Orthodox. With short Essays to their Answers.
P. V. A short
Historical Accou[n]t of Matters of Fact in that Affair.
To which is added, A
Postscript relating to a Book intitled, The Life of Sir William Phips.
Collected by Robert
Calef, Merchant, of Boston in New-England. Licensed and Entred according to Order.
London: Printed for
Nath. Hillar, at the Princes-Arms, in Leaden-Hall-street, over against St.
Mary-Ax, and Joseph Collyer, at the Golden-Bible, on London-Bridge. 1700.[158]
[158]. Title-page of
original.
Gentlemen, You that are freed
from the Slavery of a corrupt Education; and that in spite of human Precepts,
Examples and Presidents,[160] can hearken to the Dictates of Scripture and
Reason:
For your sakes I am
content, that these Collections of mine, as also my Sentiments should be
exposed to publick view; In hopes that having well considered, and compared
them with Scripture, you will see reason, as I do, to question a belief so
prevalent (as that here treated of) as also the practice flowing from thence;
they standing as nearly connext as cause and effect; it being found wholly
impracticable, to extirpate the latter without first curing the former.
And if the Buffoon or
Satyrical will be exercising their Talents, or if the Biggots wilfully and
blindly reject the Testimonies of their own Reason, and more sure word, it is
no more than what I expected from them.
But you Gentlemen, I
doubt not, are willing to Distinguish between Truth and Error, and if this may
be any furtherance to you herein, I shall not miss my Aim.
But if you find the
contrary, and that my belief herein is any way Heterodox, I shall be thankful
for the Information to any Learned or Reverend Person, or others, that shall
take that pains to inform me better by Scripture, or sound Reason, which is what
I have been long seeking for in this Country in vain.
In a time when not only
England in particular, but almost all Europe had been labouring against the
Usurpations of Tyranny and Slavery, The English America has not been behind in
a share in the Common calamities; more especially New-England has met not only
with such calamities as are common to the rest, but with several aggravations
enhansing such Afflictions, by the Devastations and Cruelties of the Barbarous
Indians in their Eastern borders, etc.
But this is not all,
they have been harrast (on many accounts) by a more dreadful Enemy, as will
herein appear to the considerate.
P. 66.[161] Were it as
we are told in Wonders of the Invisible World, that the Devils were walking
about our Streets with lengthned Chains making a dreadful noise in our Ears,
and Brimstone, even without a Metaphor, was making a horrid and a hellish
stench in our Nostrils,
P. 49. And that the
Devil exhibiting himself ordinarily as a black-Man,[162] had decoy'd a fearful
knot of Proud, Froward, Ignorant, Envious and Malitious Creatures, to list
themselves in his horrid Service, by entring their Names in a Book tendered
unto them; and that they have had their Meetings and Sacraments, and associated
themselves to destroy the Kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, in these parts of
the World; having each of them their Spectres, or Devils Commissionated by
them, and representing of them, to be the Engines of their Malice, by these
wicked Spectres siezing poor People about the Country with various and bloody
Torments. And of those evidently preternatural Torments some to[o] have died.
And that they have bewitched some even so far, as to make them self destroyers,
and others in many Towns here and there languish'd under their evil hands. The
People thus afflicted miserably scratch'd and bitten; and that the same
Invisible Furies did stick Pins in them, and scald them, distort and disjoint
them, with a Thousand other Plagues; and sometimes drag them out of their
Chambers, and carry them over Trees and Hills Miles together, many of them
being tempted to sign the Devils Laws.
P. 7[0]. These furies
whereof several have killed more People perhaps than would serve to make a
Village.[163]
If this be the true
state of the Afflictions of this Country, it is very deplorable, and beyond all
other outward Calamities miserable. But if on the other side, the Matter be as
others do understand it, That the Devil has been too hard for us by his
Temptations, signs, and lying Wonders, with the help of pernicious notions,
formerly imbibed and professed; together with the Accusations of a parcel of
possessed, distracted, or lying Wenches, accusing their Innocent Neighbours,
pretending they see their Spectres (i. e.) Devils in their likeness Afflicting
of them, and that God in righteous Judgment (after Men had ascribed his Power
to Witches, of Commissionating Devils to do these things) may have given them
over to strong delusions to believe lyes, etc. And to let loose the Devils of
Envy, Hatred, Pride, Cruelty, and Malice against each other; yet still
disguised under the Mask of Zeal for God, and left them to the branding one
another with the odious Name of Witch; and upon the Accusation of those above
mentioned, Brother to Accuse and Prosecute Brother, Children their Parents,
Pastors and Teachers their immediate Flock unto death; Shepherds becoming
Wolves, Wise Men Infatuated; People hauled to Prisons, with a bloody noise
pursuing to, and insulting over, the (true) Sufferers at Execution, while some
are fleeing from that call'd Justice, Justice it self fleeing before such
Accusations, when once it did but begin to refrain further proceedings, and to
question such Practises, some making their Escape out of Prisons, rather than
by an obstinate Defence of their Innocency, to run so apparent hazard of their
Lives; Estates seized, Families of Children and others left to the Mercy of the
Wilderness (not to mention here the Numbers prescribed,[164] dead in Prisons,
or Executed, etc.)
All which Tragedies,
tho begun in one Town, or rather by one Parish, has Plague-like spread more
than through that Country. And by its Eccho giving a brand of Infamy to this
whole Country, throughout the World,
If this were the
Miserable case of this Country in the time thereof, and that the Devil had so
far prevailed upon us in our Sentiments and Actions, as to draw us from so much
as looking into the Scriptures for our guidance in these pretended Intricacies,
leading us to a trusting in blind guides, such as the corrupt practices of some
other Countries, or the bloody Experiments of Bodin, and such other Authors --
Then tho our Case be most miserable, yet it must be said of New-England, Thou
has destroyed thy self, and brought this greatest of Miseries upon thee.
And now whether the
Witches (such as have made a compact by Explicit Covenant with the Devil,
having thereby obtained a power to Commissionate him) have been the cause of
our miseries,
Or whether a Zeal
governed by blindness and passion, and led by president, has not herein
precipitated us into far greater wickedness (if not Witchcrafts) than any have
been yet proved against those that suffered,
To be able to
distinguish aright in this matter, to which of these two to refer our Miseries
is the present Work. As to the former, I know of no sober Man, much less
Reverend Christian, that being ask'd dares affirm and abide by it, that Witches
have that power; viz. to Commissionate Devils to kill and destroy. And as to
the latter, it were well if there were not too much of truth in it, which remains
to be demonstrated.
But here it will be
said, what need of Raking in the Coals that lay buried in oblivion. We cannot
recall those to Life again that have suffered, supposing it were unjustly; it
tends but to the exposing the Actors, as if they had proceeded irregularly.
Truly I take this to be
just as the Devil would have it, so much to fear disobliging men, as not to
endeavour to detect his Wiles, that so he may the sooner, and with the greater
Advantages set the same on foot again (either here or else where) so dragging
us through the Pond twice by the same Cat.[165] And if Reports do not (herein)
deceive us, much the same has been acting this present year in Scotland.[166]
And what Kingdom or Country is it, that has not had their bloody fits and turns
at it. And if this is such a catching disease, and so universal, I presume I
need make no Apology for my Endeavours to prevent, as far as in my power, any
more such bloody Victims or Sacrifices; tho indeed I had rather any other would
have undertaken so offensive, tho necessary a task; yet all things weighed, I
had rather thus Expose my self to Censure, than that it should be wholly
omitted. Were the notions in question innocent and harmless, respecting the
Glory of God, and well being of Men, I should not have engaged in them, but
finding them in my esteem so intollerably destructive of both, This together
with my being by Warrant called before the Justices, in my own Just
Vindication, I took it to be a call from God, to my Power,[167] to Vindicate his
Truths, against the Pagan and Popish Assertions, which are so prevalent; for
tho Christians in general do own the Scriptures to be their only Rule of Faith
and Doctrine, yet these Notions will tell us, that the Scriptures have not
sufficiently, nor at all described the crime of Witchcraft, whereby the
culpable might be detected, tho it be positive in the Command to punish it by
Death; hence the World has been from time to time perplext in the prosecution
of the several Diabolical mediums of Heathenish and Popish Invention, to detect
an Imaginary Crime (not but that there are Witches, such as the Law of God
describes) which has produced a deluge of Blood; hereby rendering the Commands
of God not only void but dangerous.
So also they own Gods
Providence and Government of the World, and that Tempests and Storms,
Afflictions and Diseases, are of his sending; yet these Notions tell us, that
the Devil has the power of all these, and can perform them when commission'd by
a Witch thereto, and that he has a power at the Witches call to act and do,
without and against the course of Nature, and all natural causes, in afflicting
and killing of Innocents; and this is that so many have died for.
Also it is generally
believed, that if any Man has strength, it is from God the Almighty Being: But
these notions will tell us, that the Devil can make one Man as strong as many,
which was one of the best proofs, as it was counted, against Mr. Burroughs the
Minister;[168] tho his contemporaries in the Schools during his Minority could
have testified, that his strength was then as much superiour to theirs as ever
(setting aside incredible Romances) it was discovered to be since. Thus
rendring the power of God, and his providence of none Effect.
These are some of the
destructive notions of this Age, and however the asserters of them seem
sometimes to value themselves much upon sheltring their Neighbours from
Spectral Accusations, They may deserve as much thanks as that Tyrant, that
having industriously obtained an unintelligible charge against his Subjects, in
matters wherein it was impossible they should be Guilty, having thereby their
lives in his power, yet suffers them of his meer Grace to live, and will be
call'd gracious Lord.
It were too
Icarian[169] a task for one unfurnish'd with necessary learning, and Library,
to give any Just account, from whence so great delusions have sprung, and so
long continued. Yet as an Essay from those scraps of reading that I have had
opportunity of, it will be no great venture to say, that Signs and Lying
Wonders have been one principal cause.[170]
It is written of Justin
Martyr, who lived in the second Century, that he was before his conversion a
great Philosopher; first in the way of the Stoicks, and after of the
Peripateticks, after that of the Pythagorean, and after that of the Platonists
sects; and after all proved of Eminent use in the Church of Christ; Yet a
certain Author speaking of one Apollonius Tyaneus[171] has these words, “That
the most Orthodox themselves began to deem him vested with power sufficient for
a Deity; which occasioned that so strange a doubt from Justin Martyr, as cited
by the learned Gregory, Fol. 37.,[172] etc. If God be the Creator and Lord of
the World, how comes it to pass that Apollonius his Telisms,[173] have so much
over-ruled the course of things! for we see that they also have stilled the
Waves of the Sea, and the raging of the Winds, and prevailed against the
Noisome Flies, and Incursions of wild Beasts,” etc. If so Eminent and Early a
Christian were by these false shews in such doubt, it is the less wonder in our
depraved times, to meet with what is Equivalent thereto: Besides this a certain
Author informs me, that “Julian (afterwards called the Apostate) being
instructed in the Philosophy and Disciplines of the Heathen, by Libarius[174]
his Tutor, by this means he came to love Philosophy better than the Gospel, and
so by degrees turn'd from Christianity to Heathenism.”
This same Julian did,
when Apostate, forbid that Christians should be instructed in the Discipline of
the Gentiles, which (it seems) Socrates a Writer of the Ecclesiastical History,
does acknowledge to be by the singular Providence of God; Christians having
then begun to degenerate from the Gospel, and to betake themselves to
Heathenish learning. And in the Mercury for the Month of February, 1695, there
is this Account, “That the Christian Doctors conversing much with the writings
of the Heathen, for the gaining of Eloquence, A Counsel[175] was held at
Carthage, which forbad the reading of the Books of the Gentiles.”
From all which it may
be easily perceived, that in the Primitive times of Christianity, when not only
many Heathen of the Vulgar, but also many learn'd Men and Philosophers had
imbraced the Christian Faith, they still retained a love to their
Heathen-learning, which as one observes being transplanted into a Christian
soile, soon proved productive of pernicious weeds, which over-ran the face of
the Church, hence it was so deformed as the Reformation found it.
Among other pernicious Weeds
arising from this Root, the Doctrine of the power of Devils and Witchcraft as
it is now, and long has been understood, is not the least; the Fables of Homer,
Virgil, Horace and Ovid, etc., being for the Elegancy of their Language
retained then (and so are to this day) in the schools, have not only
introduced, but established such Doctrines to the poisoning the Christian
World. A certain Author Expresses it thus, “that as the Christian Schools at
first brought Men from Heathenism to the Gospel, so these Schools carry Men
from the Gospel to Heathenism, as to their great perfection,” and Mr. I.
M.[176] in his Remarkable Providences, gives an account that (as he calls it)
an Old Counsel[177] did Anathematize all those that believed such power of the
Devils, accounting it a Damnable Doctrine. But as other Evils did afterwards
increase in the Church (partly by such Education) so this insensibly grew up
with them, tho not to that degree, as that any Counsel[178] I have ever heard
or Read of has to this day taken off those Anathema's; yet after this the
Church so far declined, that Witchcraft became a Principal Ecclesiastical
Engine (as also that of Heresie was) to root up all that stood in their way;
and besides the ways of Tryal that we have still in practice, they invented
some, which were peculiar to themselves; which when ever they were minded to
improve against any Orthodox believer, they could easily make Effectual: That
Deluge of Blood which that Scarlet Whore[179] has to answer for, shed under
this notion, how amazing is it.
The first in England
that I have read of, of any note since the Reformation, that asserts this
Doctrine, is the famous Mr. Perkins,[180] he (as also Mr. Gaul,[181] and Mr.
Bernard,[182] etc. seems all of them to have undertaken one Task, they) taking
notice of the Multiplicity of irregular ways to try them by, invented by
Heathen and Papists, made it their business and main work herein to oppose such
as they saw to be pernicious. And if they did not look more narrowly into it,
but followed the first, viz. Mr. Perkins whose Education (as theirs also) had
forestall'd him into such belief, whom they readily followed, it cannot be
wondered at: And that they were men liable to Err, and so not to be trusted to
as perfect guides, will manifestly appear to him that shall see their several
receits laid down to detect them by their Presumptive and Positive ones. And
consider how few of either have any foundation in Scripture or Reason; and how
vastly they differ from each other in both, each having his Art by himself,
which Forty or an Hundred more may as well imitate, and give theirs, ad
infinitum, being without all manner of proof.
But tho this be their
main design to take off People from those Evil and bloody ways of trial which
they speak so much against, Yet this does not hinder to this day, but the same
evil ways or as bad are still used to detect them by, and that even among Protestants;
and is so far Justified, that a Reverend Person has said lately here, how else
shall we detect Witches? And another being urged to prove by Scripture such a
sort of Witch as has power to send Devils to kill men, replied, that he did as
firmly believe it as any article of his Faith. And that he (the Inquirer) did
not go to the Scripture, to learn the Mysteries of his trade or Art. What can
be said more to Establish there Heathenish notions and to villifie the
Scriptures, our only Rule; and that after we have seen such dire effects
thereof, as has threatned the utter Extirpation of this whole Country.
And as to most of the
Actors in these Tragedies, tho they are so far from defending their Actions
that they will Readily own, that undue steps have been taken, etc., Yet it
seems they choose that the same should be Acted over again inforced by their
Example, rather than that it should Remain as a Warning to Posterity, wherein
they have mist it. So far are they from giving Glory to God, and taking the due
shame to themselves.
And now to sum up all
in a few words, we have seen a Biggotted Zeal, stirring up a Blind and most
Bloody rage, not against Enemies, or Irreligious Proffligate Persons, But (in
Judgment of Charity, and to view) against as Vertuous and Religious as any they
have left behind them in this Country, which have suffered as Evil doers with
the utmost extent of rigour (not that so high a Charactor is due to all that
Suffered) and this by the Testimony of Vile Varlets as not only were known before,
but have been further apparent since by their Manifest Lives, Whordoms, Incest,
etc. The Accusations of these, from their Spectral Sight, being the chief
Evidence against those that Suffered. In which Accusations they were upheld by
both Magistrates and Ministers, so long as they Apprehended themselves in no
Danger.
And then tho they could
defend neither the Doctrine, nor the Practice, yet none of them have in such a
publick manner as the case Requires, testified against either; tho at the same
time they could not but be sensible what a Stain and lasting Infamy they have
brought upon the whole Country, to the Indangering the future welfair not only
of this but of other places, induced by their Example; if not, to an intailing
the Guilt of all the Righteous Blood that has been by the same means Shed, by
Heathen or Papists, etc., upon themselves, whose deeds they have so far
justified, occasioning the great Dishonour and Blasphemy of the Name of God,
Scandalizing the Heathen, hardning of Enemies; and as a Natural effect thereof,
to the great Increase of Atheism.
I shall conclude only
with acquainting the Reader, that of these Collections, the first, containing
more Wonders of the Invisible World, I received of a Gentleman,[183] who had it
of the Author and communicated it to me,[184] with his express consent, of
which this is a true Copy.[185] As to the Letters, they are for Substance the
same I sent, tho with some small Variation or Addition. Touching the two
Letters from a Gentleman, at his request I have forborn naming him. It is great
Pity the matters of Fact, and indeed the whole, had not been done by some abler
hand better Accomplished and Advantaged with both natural and acquired
Judgments, but others not Appearing, I have inforc'd my self to do what is
done, my other occasions Will not admit any further Scrutiny therein.
Sir, I now lay before you a
very Entertaining Story, a Story which relates yet more Wonders of the
Invisible World,[186] a Story which tells the Remarkable Afflictions and
Deliverance of one that had been Prodigiously handled by the Evil Angels. I was
my self a daily Eye Witness to a large part of these Occurrences, and there may
be produced Scores of Substantial Witnesses to the most of them; yea, I know
not of any one Passage of the Story, but what may be sufficiently Attested. I
do not Write it with a design of throwing it presently into the Press, but only
to preserve the Memory of such Memorable things, the forgetting whereof would
neither be pleasing to God, nor useful to Men; as also to give you, with some
others of peculiar and obliging Friends, a sight of some Curiosities, and I
hope this Apologie will serve to Excuse me, if I mention, as perhaps I may,
when I come to a tenth Paragraph in my Writing,[187] some things which I would
have omitted in a farther Publication.
[159]. I. e., to those
with open minds: the Bereans are commended (Acts xvii. 11) as “more noble”
because “they received the word with all readiness of mind, and searched the
Scriptures daily, whether these things were so.”
[160]. Precedents: this
odd spelling was then the current one.
[161]. This page-number
and those which follow refer to the pages of Mather's Wonders (original edition),
from which the substance of these paragraphs is quoted. The passages quoted
will be found in Mather's book at pp. 48, 41, 50, of the first London edition,
at pp. 95, 80-82, 100, of that of 1862, at pp. 121-122, 102-104, 128, of the
American edition of 1866. They do not belong to the pages reprinted in the
present volume.
[162]. How Mather
conceived this “black man” to look appears from the description he ascribes to
Mercy Short (p. 261, above).
[163]. In the original
there is here no paragraph, the paragraph beginning after the next sentence
with “But, if,” etc.
[164]. “Prescribed,” as
then often, for “proscribed,” i. e., condemned to death.
[165]. For a
description of the joke, played on boobies, of “dragging through a pond with a
cat,” see the Oxford Dictionary, s. v. Cat, III. 14, or Grose, Dictionary of
Vulgar Terms, s. v. “Cat-whipping.” “We hope, sir,” said in 1682 the London
Gazette, “that this Nation will be too wise, to be drawn twice through the same
Water by the very same Cat.”
[166]. As Calef is
writing in August, 1697, he doubtless has in mind the cases in Renfrewshire,
where on June 10 several witches were hanged, then burned, on the Gallow Green
of Paisley; a “Relation” then printed recounts “the Diabolical Practices of
above Twenty.” Neither the relation nor the tidings of the burning could well
have reached America by August 11; but the trials had been notorious for
months. In Scotland, however, such things had been constant, as may be seen by
the records of the Privy Council. Those of this period are chronicled by Robert
Chambers in his Domestic Annals of Scotland.
[167]. I. e., to the
utmost of my power.
[168]. See pp. 219-220,
above.
[169]. I. e.,
presumptuous, like the venture of Icarus, who flew so high that the sun melted
off his wings.
[170]. He is thinking,
of course, of such “Remarkables” as those told by the Mathers.
[171]. Apollonius of
Tyana, the first-century Pythagorean philosopher and wonder-worker, like Justin
Martyr, the second-century apologist of Christianity, is perhaps too well to
need a footnote.
[172]. Justin Martyr,
Quaestiones et Responsiones ad Orthodoxos, qu. 24.
[173]. Telesmata,
talismans, magical devices.
[174]. Libanius.
[175]. Council: the
Fourth Council of Carthage, 398 A. D.
[176]. Increase Mather.
[177]. Council: the
Spanish Council of Bracara, 561 A. D.
[178]. Council.
[179]. He means the
Roman church. Revelation, xvii.
[180]. William Perkins
(1558-1602), the eminent Cambridge divine -- “our Perkins,” as Increase Mather
calls him -- whose Discourse of the Damned Art of Witchcraft (London, 1608,
1610, and in the many editions of his Works) was the highest authority to
Puritans.
[181]. John Gaule. See
p. 216, note 1.
[182]. Richard Bernard
(1567-1641), long minister of Batcombe in Somersetshire. His Guide to
Grand-Jurymen... in cases of Witchcraft (1627, 1629) was, though credulous and
cruel enough, the most mild and cautious of the Puritan monographs. The tiny
volume, now very rare, had perhaps never a great circulation (in 1692 Increase
Mather declares it, like Gaule's book, “rare to be had”); but its rules for the
detection of witches gained much vogue from their adoption by Michael Dalton
into his The Countrey Justice, the standard manual for the procedure of the
lower courts. It is clearly, however, from Bernard's book itself that Cotton
Mather has abridged these rules in his Wonders; and the book, as well as this
extract, was doubtless in the hands of the Salem judges. Increase Mather quotes
it often, and by page, and tells us that it “is a solid and a wise treatise.”
(Cases of Conscience, 1693, p. 18.)
[183]. It has been
conjectured that this gentleman may have been one of the two Brattles. In a
letter of March 1, 1695 (More Wonders, p. 30 -- not here reprinted), to a “Mr.
B.” (Brattle?) Calef mentions other papers received from Mather through his
hands -- but to be returned speedily and not copied. He, however, he says, made
notes in the margin where he thought it needful. These papers, as it will rejoice
all students to learn, have just been identified by Mr. Worthington C. Ford (to
whose courtesy the editor owes his knowledge of them) among those in the
keeping of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and they will be published in
full -- both Mather's text and Calef's marginalia (with a facsimile plate) in
that society's Proceedings for 1913-1914. See also below, p. 388, at end.
[184]. The original has
“use”; but this is corrected to “me” in the Errata (see p. 295, above).
[185]. A copy, not of the
“express consent,” but of the “More Wonders of the Invisible World” -- the
Margaret Rule story as a whole -- to which the letter of Mather introducing it
was perhaps attached as a sort of open “letter to the reader.” Between this
preface and that letter there intervenes a table of contents, not here
reprinted.
[186]. It is, in other
words, a supplement to his book thus entitled, as its other name, “Another
Brand pluckt out of the Burning,” makes it a supplement to his Mercy Short
narrative.
[187]. See his “Sect.
10” (pp. 316-318, below).
[188]. As to this
letter see p. 306, note 3. The Margaret Rule MS. is still preserved in the
library of the Massachusetts Historical Society; and Poole, who used it for his
chapter on witchcraft in the Memorial History of Boston, has in a footnote (II.
152) printed a facsimile of the “To bee Return'd unto C. Mather” written on it
by its author.
Within these few years
there died in the Southern Parts a Christian Indian, who notwithstanding some
of his Indian Weakness, had something of a better Character of vertue and
Goodness, than many of our People can allow to most of their Countrey-men, that
profess the Christian Religion. He had been a Zealous Preacher of the Gospel to
his Neighbour-hood, and a sort of Overseer, or Officer, to whose Conduct was
owing very much of what good order was maintained among those Proselited
Savages: This Man returning home from the Funeral of his Son, was Complemented
by an English-Man, expressing Sorrow for his Loss; now, tho' the Indians use,
upon the Death of Relations, to be the most Passionate and Outragious Creatures
in the World, yet this Converted Indian Handsomely and Chearfully repli'd, “Truly
I am sorry, and I am not sorry; I am sorry that I have Buried a dear Son; but I
am not sorry that the will of God is done. I know that without the will of God
my Son could not have Died, and I know that the will of God is allways just and
good, and so I am satisfied.” Immediately upon this, even within a few hours,
he fell himself Sick of a Disease that quickly kill'd him; in the time of which
Disease he called his Folks about him, earnestly perswading them to be Sincere
in their Praying unto God, and beware of the Drunkenness, the Idleness, the
Lying, whereby so many of that Nation disgrac'd their Profession of
Christianity; adding, that he was ashamed when he thought how little Service he
had hitherto done for God; and that if God would prolong his Life he would
Labour to do better Service, but that he was fully sure he was now going to the
Lord Jesus Christ, who had bought him with his own Precious Blood; and for his
part he long'd to Die that he might be with his Glorious Lord; and in the
mid'st of such passages he gave up the Ghost, but in such repute, that the
English People of good Fashion did not think much of Travelling a great way to
his Interment. Lest my Reader do now wonder why I have related this piece of a
Story, I will now hasten to abate that Wonder, by telling that whereto this was
intended, but for an Introduction: Know then that this remarkable Indian being
a little before he Died at work in the Wood making of Tarr, there appeared unto
him a Black-Man, of a Terrible aspect, and more than humane Dimensions,
threatning bitterly to kill him if he would not promise to leave off Preaching
as he did to his Countrey-Men, and promise particularly, that if he Preached
any more, he would say nothing of Jesus Christ unto them. The Indian amaz'd,
yet had the courage to answer, I will in spite of you go on to Preach Christ
more than ever I did, and the God whom I serve will keep me that you shall
never hurt me. Hereupon the Apparition abating somewhat of his fierceness,
offered to the Indian a Book of a considerable thickness and a Pen and Ink, and
said, that if he would now set his hand unto that Book, he would require
nothing further of him; but the Man refused the motion with indignation, and
fell down upon his knees into a Fervent and Pious Prayer unto God for help
against the Tempter, whereupon the Dæmon Vanish't.
This is a Story which I
would never have tendered unto my Reader, if I had not Receiv'd it from an
honest and useful English Man, who is at this time a Preacher of the Gospel to
the Indians,[189] nor would the probable[190] Truth of it have encouraged me to
have tendered it, if this also had not been a fit introduction unto yet a
further Narrative.
Sect. 2. 'Twas not much
above a year or two, after this Accident (of which no manner of Noise has been
made) that there was a Prodigious descent of Devils upon divers places near the
Center of this Province, wherein some scores of Mis erable People were Troubled
by horrible appearances of a Black-Man, accompanied with Spectres, wearing
these and those Humane Shapes, who offer'd them a Book to be by them sign'd, in
token of their being Listed for the Service of the Devil, and upon their
denying to do it, they were Dragoon'd[191] with a thousand Preternatural
Torments, which gave no little terror to the beholders of these unhappy
Energuments.[192] There was one in the North part of Boston seized by the
Evil-Angels many Months after the General Storm of the late Inchantments was
over, and when the Countrey had long lain pretty quiet, both as to Molestations
and Accusations from the Invisible World, her Name was Margaret Rule, a Young
Woman. She was born of sober and honest Parents, yet Living, but what her own
Character was before her Visitation, I can speak with the less confidence of
exactness, because I observe that wherever the Devils have been let loose to
worry any Poor Creature amongst us, a great part of the Neighbourhood presently
set themselves to inquire and relate all the little Vanities of their Childhood,
with such unequal exaggerations, as to make them appear greater Sinners than
any whom the Pilate of Hell has not yet Preyed upon: But it is affirm'd, that
for about half a year before her Visitation, she was observably improved in the
hopeful symptoms of a new Creature; She was become seriously concern'd for the
everlasting Salvation of her Soul, and careful to avoid the snares of Evil
Company. This Young Woman had never seen the affliction of Mercy Short, whereof
a Narrative has been already given,[193] and yet about half a year after the
glorious and signal deliverance of that poor Damsel, this Margaret fell into an
affliction, marvellous, resembling hers in almost all the circumstances of it,
indeed the Afflictions were so much alike, that the relation I have given of
the one, would almost serve as the full History of the other, this was to that,
little more than the second part to the same Tune, indeed Margarets case was in
several points less remarkable than Mercies, and in some other things the
Entertainment did a little vary.
Sect. 3. 'Twas upon the
Lords Day the 10th of September, in the Year 1693, that Margaret Rule, after
some hours of previous disturbance in the Publick Assembly, fell into odd Fits,
which caused her Friends to carry her home, where her Fits in a few hours grew
into a Figure that satisfied the Spectators of their being preternatural; some
of the Neighbours were forward enough to suspect the rise of this Mischief in
an House hard-by, where lived a Miserable Woman, who had been formerly
Imprisoned on the suspicion of Witchcraft, and who had frequently Cured very
painfull Hurts by muttering over them certain Charms, which I shall not
indanger the Poysoning of my Reader by repeating. This Woman had the Evening
before Margaret fell into her Calamities, very bitterly treated her, and
threatn'd her; but the hazard of hurting a poor Woman that might be innocent,
notwithstanding Surmizes that might have been more strongly grounded than
those, caus'd the pious People in the Vicinity to try rather whether incessant
Supplication to God alone, might not procure a quicker and safer Ease to the
Afflicted, than hasty Prosecution of any suppos'd Criminal, and accordingly
that unexceptionable course was all that was ever followed; yea, which I look't
on as a token for good, the Afflicted Family was as averse as any of us all to
entertain thoughts of any other course.
Sect. 4. The Young
Woman was assaulted by Eight cruel Spectres, whereof she imagin'd that she knew
three or four, but the rest came still with their Faces cover'd, so that she
could never have a distinguishing view of the countenance of those whom she
thought she knew; she was very careful of my reitterated charges to forbear
blazing the Names, lest any good Person should come to suffer any blast of
Reputation thro' the cunning Malice of the great Accuser; nevertheless having
since privately named them to my self, I will venture to say this of them, that
they are a sort of Wretches who for these many years have gone under as Violent
Presumptions of Witchcraft, as perhaps any creatures yet living upon Earth;
altho' I am farr from thinking that the Visions of this Young Woman were
Evidence enough to prove them so. These cursed Spectres now brought unto her a
Book about a Cubet long, a Book Red and thick, but not very broad, and they
demanded of her that she would set her Hand to that Book, or touch it at least
with her Hand, as a Sign of her becoming a Servant of the Devil; upon her
peremptory refusal to do what they asked, they did not after renew the profers
of the Book unto her, but instead thereof, they fell to Tormenting of her in a
manner too Hellish to be sufficiently described, in those Torments confining
her to her Bed, for just Six weeks together.
Sect. 5. Sometimes, but
not always, together with the Spectres there look't in upon the Young Woman
(according to her account) a short and a Black Man, whom they call'd their
Master, a Wight exactly of the same Dimensions and Complexion and voice, with
the Divel that has exhibited himself unto other infested People, not only in
other parts of this Country but also in other Countrys, even of the European
World, as the relation of the Enchantments there inform us, they all profest
themselves Vassals of this Devil, and in obedience unto him they address
themselves unto various ways of Torturing her; accordingly she was cruelly
pinch't with Invisible hands very often in a Day, and the black and blew marks
of the pinches became immediately visible unto the standers by. Besides this,
when her attendants had left her without so much as one pin about her, that so
they might prevent some fear'd inconveniencies; yet she would ever now and then
be miserably hurt with Pins which were found stuck into her Neck, Back and
Arms, however, the Wounds made by the Pins would in a few minutes ordinarily be
cured; she would also be strangely distorted in her Joynts, and thrown into
such exorbitant Convulsions as were astonishing unto the Spectators in General;
They that could behold the doleful condition of the poor Family without
sensible compassions, might have Intrals indeed, but I am sure they could have
no true Bowels in them.
Sect. 6. It were a most
Unchristian and uncivil, yea a most unreasonable thing to imagine that the
Fitt's of the Young Woman were but meer Impostures: And I believe scarce any,
but People of a particular Dirtiness, will harbour such an Uncharitable
Censure; however, because I know not how far the Devil may drive the
Imagination of poor Creatures when he has possession of them, that at another
time when they are themselves would scorn to Dissemble any thing, I shall now
confine my Narrative unto passages, wherein there could be no room left for any
Dissimulation. Of these the first that I'll mention shall be this; From the
time that Margaret Rule first found herself to be formally besieged by the
Spectres untill the Ninth Day following, namely from the Tenth of September to
the Eighteenth, she kept an entire Fast, and yet she was unto all appearance as
Fresh, as Lively, as Hearty, at the Nine Days End, as before they began; in all
this time, tho' she had a very eager Hunger upon her Stomach, yet if any
refreshment were brought unto her, her Teeth would be set, and she would be
thrown into many Miseries, Indeed once or twice or so in all this time, her
Tormentors permitted her to swallow a Mouthful of somewhat that might encrease
her Miseries, whereof a Spoonful of Rum was the most considerable; but
otherwise, as I said, her Fast unto the Ninth day was very extream and rigid:
However, afterwards there scarce passed a day wherein she had not liberty to
take something or other for her Sustentation, And I must add this further, that
this business of her Fast was carried so, that it was impossible to be
dissembled without a Combination of Multitudes of People unacquainted with one
another to support the Juggle, but he that can imagine such a thing of a
Neighbourhood so fill'd with Vertuous People is a base man, I cannot call him
any other.
Sect. 7. But if the
Sufferings of this Young Woman were not Imposture, yet might they not be pure
Distemper? I will not here inquire of our Saducees, what sort of Distemper 'tis
shall stick the Body full of Pins, without any Hand that could be seen to stick
them; or whether all the Pin-makers in the World would be willing to be
Evaporated into certain ill habits of Body producing a Distemper, but of the
Distemper my Reader shall be Judge when I have told him something further of
those unusual Sufferings. I do believe that the Evil Angels do often take
Advantage from Natural Distempers in the Children of Men to annoy them with
such further Mischiefs as we call preternatural. The Malignant Vapours and
Humours of our Diseased Bodies may be used by Devils thereinto insinuating as
engine of the Execution of their Malice upon those Bodies; and perhaps for this
reason one Sex may suffer more Troubles of some kinds from the Invisible World
than the other, as well as for that reason for which the Old Serpent made where
he did his first Address. But I Pray what will you say to this, Margaret Rule
would sometimes have her Jaws for cibly pulled open, whereupon something
Invisible would be poured down her Throat; we all saw her swallow, and yet we
saw her try all she could by Spitting, Coughing and Shriking,[194] that she might
not swalow, but one time the standers by plainly saw something of that odd
Liquor it self on the outside of her Neck; She cried out of it as of Scalding
Brimstone poured into her, and the whole House would Immediately scent so hot
of Brimstone that we were scarce able to endure it, whereof there are scores of
Witnesses; but the Young Woman her self would be so monstrously Inflam'd that
it would have broke a Heart of Stone to have seen her Agonies. This was a thing
that several times happen'd and several times when her Mouth was thus pull'd
open, the standers by clapping their Hands close thereupon the distresses that
otherwise followed would be diverted. Moreover there was a whitish powder to us
Invisible somtimes cast upon the Eyes of this Young Woman, whereby her Eyes
would be extreamly incommoded, but one time some of this Powder was fallen
actually Visible upon her Cheek, from whence the People in the Room wiped it
with their Handkerchiefs, and somtimes the Young Woman would also be so
bitterly scorched with the unseen Sulphur thrown upon her, that very sensible
Blisters would be raised upon her Skin, whereto her Friends found it necessary
to apply the Oyl's proper for common Burning, but the most of these Hurts would
be cured in two or three days at farthest: I think I may without Vanity pretend
to have read not a few of the best System's of Physick that have been yet seen
in these American Regions, but I must confess that I have never yet learned the
Name of the Natural Distemper, whereto these odd symptoms do belong: However I
might suggest perhaps many a Natural Medicine, which would be of singular use
against many of them.
Sect. 8. But there fell
out some other matters far beyond the reach of Natural Distemper: This Margaret
Rule once in the middle of the Night Lamented sadly that the Spectres threatned
the Drowning of a Young Man in the Neighbourhood, whom she named unto the
Company: well it was afterwards found that at that very time this Young Man,
having been prest on Board a Man of War then in the Harbour, was out of some
dissatisfaction attempting to swim ashoar, and he had been Drowned in the
attempt, if a Boat had not seasonably taken him up; it was by computation a
minute or two after the Young Womans discourse of the Drowning, that the Young
Man took the Water. At another time she told us that the Spectres bragg'd and
laughed in her hearing about an exploit they had lately done, by stealing from
a Gentleman his Will soon after he had written it; and within a few hours after
she had spoken this there came to me a Gentleman with a private complaint, that
having written his Will it was unaccountably gone out of the way, how or where
he could not Imagine; and besides all this, there were wonderful Noises every
now and then made about the Room, which our People could Ascribe to no other
Authors but the Spectres, yea, the Watchers affirm that they heard those fiends
clapping of their hands together with an Audibleness, wherein they could not be
Imposed upon: And once her Tormentors pull'd her up to the Cieling of the
Chamber, and held her there before a very Numerous Company of Spectators, who
found it as much as they could all do to pull her down again. There was also
another very surprising circumstance about her, agreeable to what we have not
only Read in several Histories concerning the Imps that have been Imployed in
Witchcraft; but also known in some of our own afflicted: We once thought we
perceived something stir upon her Pillow at a little distance from her,
whereupon one present laying his hand there, he to his horror apprehended that
he felt, tho' none could see it, a living Creature, not altogether unlike a
Rat, which nimbly escap'd from him: and there were diverse other Persons who
were thrown into a great consternation by feeling, as they Judg'd, at other
times the same Invisible Animal.
Sect. 9. As it has been
with a Thousand other Inchanted People, so it was with Margaret Rule in this
particular, that there were several words which her Tormentors would not let
her hear, especially the words Pray or Prayer, and yet she could so hear the
letters of those words distinctly mentioned as to know what they ment. The
standers by were forced sometimes thus in discourse to spell a word to her, but
because there were some so ridiculous as to count it a sort of Spell or a Charm
for any thus to accommodate themselves to the capacity of the Sufferer, little
of this kind was done. But that which was more singular in this matter, was
that she could not use these words in those penetrating discourses, wherewith
she would sometimes address the Spectres that were about her. She would
sometimes for a long while together apply herself to the Spectres, whom she
supposed the Witches, with such Exhortations to Repentance as would have melted
an Heart of Adamant to have heard them; her strains of Expression and Argument
were truly Extraordinary; A person perhaps of the best Education and Experience
and of Attainments much beyond hers could not have exceeded them: nevertheless
when she came to these Words God, Lord, Christ, Good, Repent, and some other
such, her Mouth could not utter them, whereupon she would somtimes in an Angry
Parenthesis complain of their Wickedness in stopping that Word, but she would
then go on with some other Terms that would serve to tell what she ment. And I
believe that if the most suspicious Person in the world had beheld all the
Circumstances of this matter, he would have said it could not have been
dissembled.
Sect. 10. Not only in
the Swedish, but also in the Salem Witchcraft the Inchanted People have talked
much of a White Spirit from whence they received marvellous Assistances in
their Miseries; what lately befel Mercy Short from the Communications of such a
Spirit, hath been the just Wonder of us all, but by such a Spirit was Margaret Rule
now also visited. She says that she could never see his Face; but that she had
a frequent view of his bright, Shining and Glorious Garments; he stood by her
Bed-side continually heartning and comforting of her and counselling her to
maintain her Faith and hope in God, and never comply with the temptations of
her Adversaries; she says he told her, that God had permitted her Affictions to
befall her for the everlasting and unspeakable good of her own Soul, and for
the good of many others, and for his own Immortal Glory, and that she should
therefore be of good Chear and be assured of a speedy deliverance; And the
wonderful resolution of mind wherewith she encountered her Afflictions were but
agreeable to such expectations. Moreover a Minister[195] having one Day with
some Importunity Prayed for the deliverance of this Young Woman, and pleaded
that she belong'd to his Flock and charge; he had so far a right unto her as
that he was to do the part of a Minister of our Lord for the bringing of her
home unto God; only now the Devil hindred him in doing that which he had a
right thus to do, and whereas He had a better Title unto her to bring her home
to God than the Divel could have unto her to carry her away from the Lord, he
therefore humbly applied himself unto God, who alone could right this matter,
with a suit that she might be rescued out of Satans Hands; Immediatly upon
this, tho' she heard nothing of this transaction she began to call that
Minister her Father, and that was the Name whereby she every day before all
sorts of People distinguished him: the occasion of it she says was this, the
white Spirit presently upon this transaction did after this manner speak to
her, “Margaret, you now are to take notice that” (such a Man) “is your Father,
God has given you to him, do you from this time look upon him as your Father,
obey him, regard him as your Father, follow his Counsels and you shall do well”;
And tho' there was one passage more, which I do as little know what to make of
as any of the Rest, I am now going to relate it; more than three times have I
seen it fulfilled in the Deliverance of Inchanted and Possest Persons, whom the
Providence of God has cast into my way, that their Deliverance could not be
obtained before the third Fast kept for them, and the third day still obtain'd
the Deliverance, altho' I have thought of beseeching of the Lord thrice, when
buffeted by Satan, yet I must earnestly Intreat all my Readers to beware of any
superstitious conceits upon the Number Three; if our God will hear us upon once
Praying and Fasting before him 'tis well, and if he will not vouchsafe his
Mercy upon our thrice doing so, yet we must not be so discouraged as to throw
by our Devotion but if the Soveraign Grace of our God will in any particular
Instances count our Patience enough tryed when we have Solemnly waited upon him
for any determinate Number of times, who shall say to him, what doest thou, and
if there shall be any Number of Instances, wherein this Grace of our God has
exactly holden the same course, it may have a room in our humble Observations,
I hope, without any Superstition; I say then that after Margaret Rule had been
more than five weeks in her Miseries, this White Spirit said unto her, “Well
this day such a Man” (whom he named[196]) “has kept a third day for your
deliverance, now be of good cheer you shall speedily be delivered.” I inquired
whether what had been said of that Man were true, and I gained exact and
certain Information that it was precisely so, but I doubt lest in relating this
Passage that I have used more openness than a Friend should be treated with,
and for that cause I have concealed several of the most memorable things that
have occurred not only in this but in some former Histories, altho indeed I am
not so well satisfied about the true nature of this white Spirit, as to count
that I can do a Friend much Honour by reporting what notice this white Spirit
may have thus taken of him.
Sect. 11. On the last
day of the Week her Tormentors as she thought and said, approaching towards
her, would be forced still to recoil and retire as unaccountably unable to
meddle with her, and they would retire to the Fire side with their Poppets; but
going to stick Pins into those Poppets, they could not (according to their
visions) make the Pins to enter, she insulted over them with a very Proper
derision, daring them now to do their worst, whilst she had the satisfaction to
see their Black Master strike them and kick them, like an Overseer of so many
Negro's, to make them to do their work, and renew the marks of his vengeance on
them, when they failed of doing of it. At last being as it were tired with
their ineffectual Attempts to mortifie her they furiously said, “Well you shant
be the last.” And after a pause they added, “Go, and the Devil go with you, we
can do no more”; whereupon they flew out of the Room and she returning
perfectly to her self most affectionately gave thanks to God for her deliverance;
her Tormentors left her extream weak and faint, and overwhelmed with Vapours,
which would not only cause her sometimes to Swoon away, but also now and then
for a little while discompose the reasonableness of her Thoughts; Nevertheless
her former troubles returned not, but we are now waiting to see the good
effects of those troubles upon the Souls of all concern'd. And now I suppose
that some of our Learned witlings of the Coffee-House, for fear lest these
proofs of an Invisible-world should spoil some of their sport, will endeavour
to turn them all into sport, for which Buffoonary their only pretence will be,
they cant understand how such things as these could be done, whereas indeed he
that is but Philosopher enough to have read but one Little Treatise, Published
in the Year 1656 by no other Man than the Chyrurgion of an Army,[197] or but
one Chap. of Helmont,[198] which I will not quote at this time too
particularly, may give a far more intelligible account of these Appearances
than most of these Blades can give why and how their Tobacco makes 'em Spit; or
which way the flame of their Candle becomes illuminating. As for that cavil,
the world would be undone if the Devils could have such power as they seem to
have in several of our stories, it may be Answered that as to many things the
Lying Devils have only known them to be done, and then pretended unto the doing
of those things, but the true and best Answer is, that by these things we only
see what the Devils could have powers to do, if the great God should give them
those powers, whereas now our Histories affords a Glorious Evidence for the
being of a God, the World would indeed be undone, and horribly undone, if these
Devils, who now and then get liberty to play some very mischievous pranks, were
not under a daily restraint of some Almighty Superior from doing more of such
Mischiefs. Wherefore instead of all Apish flouts and jeers at Histories, which
have such undoubted confirmation, as that no Man that has breeding enough to
regard the Common Laws of Humane Society, will offer to doubt of 'em, it
becomes us rather to adore the Goodness of God, who does not permit such things
every day to befall us all, as he sometimes did permit to befall some few of
our miserable Neighbours.
Sect. 12. And what,
after all my unwearied Cares and Pains, to rescue the Miserable from the Lions
and Bears of Hell, which had siezed them, and after all my Studies to
disappoint the Devils in their designs to confound my Neighbourhood, must I be
driven to the necessity of an Apologie? Truly the hard representations
wherewith some Ill Men have reviled my conduct, and the Countenance which other
Men have given to these representations, oblige me to give Mankind some account
of my Behaviour; No Christian can, I say none but evil workers can criminate my
visiting such of my poor flock as have at any time fallen under the terrible
and sensible molestations of Evil-Angels; let their Afflictions have been what
they will, I could not have answered it unto my Glorious Lord, if I had withheld
my just Counsels and Comforts from them; and if I have also with some exactness
observ'd the methods of the Invisible-World, when they have thus become
observable, I have been but a Servant of Mankind in doing so; yea no less a
Person than the Venerable Baxter has more than once or twice in the most
Publick manner invited Mankind to thank me for that Service.[199] I have not
been insensible of a greater danger attending me in this fulfilment of my
Ministry, than if I had been to take Ten Thousand steps over a Rocky Mountain
fill'd with Rattle-Snakes, but I have consider'd, he that is wise will observe
things, and the Surprizing Explication and confirmation of the biggest part of
the Bible, which I have seen given in these things, has abundantly paid me for observing
them. Now in my visiting of the Miserable, I was always of this opinion that we
were Ignorant of what Powers the Devils might have to do their mischiefs in the
shapes of some that had never been explicitly engaged in Diabolical
Confederacies, and that therefore tho' many Witchcrafts had been fairly
detected on Enquiries provoked and begun by Specteral Exhibitions, yet we could
not easily be too jealous[200] of the Snares laid for us in the devices of
Satan; the World knows how many Pages I have Composed and Published, and
particular Gentlemen in the Government know how many Letters I have written to
prevent the excessive Credit of Specteral Accusations, wherefore I have still
charged the Afflicted that they should Cry out of no body for Afflicting of
'em. But that if this might be any Advantage they might privately tell their
minds to some one Person of discretion enough to make no ill use of their
communications, accordingly there has been this effect of it, that the Name of
No one good Person in the World ever came under any blemish by means of any
Afflicted Person that fell under my particular cognisance, yea no one Man,
Woman or Child ever came into any trouble for the sake of any that were
Afflicted after I had once begun to look after'em; how often have I had this
thrown into my dish, that many years ago I had an opportunity to have brought
forth such People as have in the late storm of Witchcraft been complain'd of,
but that I smother'd all, and after that storm was rais'd at Salem, I did myself
offer to provide Meat, Drink and Lodging for no less than Six of the Afflicted,
that so an Experiment might be made, whether Prayer with Fasting upon the
removal of the distressed might not put a Period to the trouble then rising,
without giving the Civil Authority the trouble of prosecuting those things
which nothing but a Conscientious regard unto the cries of Miserable Families,
could have overcome the Reluctancies of the Honourable Judges to meddle with;
In short I do humbly but freely affirm it, there is not that Man living in this
World who has been more desirous than the poor Man I to shelter my Neighbours
from the Inconveniencies of Spectral Outcries, yea I am very jealous I have
done so much that way as to Sin in what I have done, such have been the
Cowardize and Fearfulness whereunto my regard unto the dissatisfactions of
other People has precipitated me. I know a Man in the World, who has thought he
has been able to Convict some such Witches as ought to Dye, but his respect
unto the Publick Peace has caused him rather to try whether He could not renew
them by Repentance: And as I have been Studious to defeat the Devils of their
expectations to set people together by the Ears, thus, I have also checked and
quell'd those forbidden curiosities, which would have given the devil an
invitation to have tarried amongst us, when I have seen wonderful Snares laid
for Curious People, by the secret and future things discovered from the Mouths
of Damsels possest with a Spirit of divination; Indeed I can recollect but one
thing wherein there could be given so much as a Shadow of Reason for
Exceptions, and that is my allowing of so many to come and see those that were
Afflicted, now for that I have this to say, that I have almost a Thousand times
intreated the Friends of the Miserable, that they would not permit the
Intrusion of any Company, but such as by Prayers or other ways might be helpful
to them; Nevertheless I have not absolutely forbid all Company from coming to
your Haunted Chambers, partly because the Calamities of the Families were such
as required the Assistance of many Friends; partly because I have been willing
that there should be disinterested Witnesses of all sorts, to confute the
Calumnies of such as would say all was but Imposture; and partly because I saw
God had Sanctified the Spectacle of the Miseries on the Afflicted unto the
Souls of many that were Spectators, and it is a very Glorious thing that I have
now to mention -- The Devils have with most horrendous operations broke in upon
our Neighbourhood, and God has at such a rate over-ruled all the Fury and
Malice of those Devils, that all the Afflicted have not only been Delivered,
but I hope also savingly brought home unto God, and the Reputation of no one
good Person in the World has been damaged, but instead thereof the Souls of
many, especially of the rising Generation, have been thereby awaken'd unto some
acquaintance with Religion; our young People who belonged unto the Praying
Meetings, of both Sexes, a part would ordinarily spend whole Nights by the
whole Weeks together in Prayers and Psalms upon these occasions, in which
Devotions the Devils could get nothing but like Fools a Scourge for their own
Backs, and some scores of other young People, who were strangers to real Piety,
were now struck with the lively demonstrations of Hell evidently set forth
before their Eyes, when they saw Persons cruelly Frighted, wounded and Starved
by Devils and Scalded with burning Brimstone, and yet so preserved in this
tortured estate as that at the end of one Months wretchedness they were as able
still to undergo another, so that of these also it might now be said, Behold
they Pray in the whole -- The Devil got just nothing; but God got praises,
Christ got Subjects, the Holy Spirit got Temples, the Church got Addition, and
the Souls of Men got everlasting Benefits; I am not so vain as to say that any
Wisdome or Vertue of mine did contribute unto this good order of things: But I
am so just, as to say I did not hinder this Good. When therefore there have
been those that pickt up little incoherent scraps and bits of my Discourses in
this faithful discharge of my Ministry, and so traversted[201] 'em in their
abusive Pamphlets,[202] as to perswade the Town that I was their common Enemy
in those very points, wherein, if in any one thing whatsoever, I have sensibly
approved my self as true a Servant unto 'em as possibly I could, tho my Life
and Soul had been at Stake for it, Yea to do like Satan himself, by sly, base,
unpretending Insinuations, as if I wore not the Modesty and Gravity which
became a Minister of the Gospel, I could not but think my self unkindly dealt
withal, and the neglects of others to do me justice in this affair has caused
me to conclude this Narrative with complaints in another hearing of such Monstrous
Injuries.[203]
[189]. Very probably
his uncle, the Rev. John Cotton (1640-1699), who had formerly preached in
Martha's Vineyard (1664-1667) and had there learned the Indian tongue, and who
now, at Plymouth, continued to preach to Indians as well as whites. In his life
of Eliot and in bk. VI. of his Magnalia Mather relates much more of the
Christian Indians of Martha's Vineyard and of the witchcrafts there.
[190] Provable,
demonstrable.
[191] See p. 189, note
2.
[192] Energumens: i.e.,
demoniacs.
[193] See pp. 255 ff.,
above.
[194] Hawking? The word
is unknown to the dictionaries.
[195] Mather himself,
of course.
[196] Again there can
be little doubt that the writer means himself.
[197] Who this “Chyrurgion”
was and what his treatise, is a puzzle -- as it was perhaps meant to be.
Balthasar Timäus von Guldenklee (1600-1667), physician to the Elector of
Brandenburg, had earned his nobility by healing the Swedish army of the pest in
1637, and in his Casus Medicinales has a passage on diseases ascribed to
witchcraft; but it does not appear that this work was published before 1662.
Antonius Deusing (1612-1666), physician to the Stadholder of Friesland,
published in 1656 a treatise on this subject; but it does not appear that he
was ever an army surgeon.
[198] Doubtless the
elder, Jan Baptista van Helmont (1577-1644), the eminent but visionary Flemish
physician; and the “one Chap.” that on “Recepta injecta” in his Tractatus de
Morbis -- though he goes into the subject as fully in paragraphs 87-152 of his
De Magnetica Vulnerum Curatione.
[199] Notably in his
own book on The Certainty of the Worlds of Spirits (London, 1691) and in the
perface which he wrote for the London edition of Mather's Memorable
Providences, published in that year.
[200] Suspicious.
[201] Travestied.
[202] See p. 332,
below.
[203] The story of
Margaret Rule is told again in Mather's Diary (I. 171 ff.) and in a way that
throws fresh light on his relation to the case.
“About a Week after the
Beginning of September, being sollicitous to do some further Service, for the
Name of God, I took a Journey to Salem. There, I not only sought a further
Supply of my Furniture for my Church-History, but also endeavoured, that the
complete History of the late Witchcrafts and Possessions might not bee lost. I
judg'd that the Preservacion of that History might in a while bee a singular
Benefit unto the Church, and unto the World, which made mee sollicitous about
it. Moreover, I was willing to preach the Word of God unto the numerous Congregation
at Salem; which I did, on both Parts of the Sabbath, not only with a most
glorious Assistence of Heaven, but also with some Assurance of Good thereby to
bee done among the People. But I had one singular Unhappiness, which befel mee,
in this Journey. I had largely written three Discourses, which I designed both
to preach at Salem, and hereafter to print. These Notes were before the Sabbath
stolen from mee, with such Circumstances, that I am somewhat satisfied, The
Spectres, or Agents in the invisible World, were the Robbers. This Diaster had
like to have disturbed my Designs for the Sabbath; but God helped mee to
remember a great part of what I had written, and to deliver also many other
Things, which else I had not now made use of. So that the Divel gott nothing!
“Among other things
which entertained mee at Salem, one was, a Discourse with one Mrs. Carver, who
had been strangely visited with some shining Spirits, which were good Angels,
in her opinion of them.
“She intimated several
things unto mee whereof some were to be kept secret. Shee also told mee, That a
new Storm of Witchcraft would fall upon the Countrey, to chastise the Iniquity
that was used in the wilful Smothering and Covering of the Last; and that many
fierce Opposites to the Discovery of that Witchcraft would bee thereby
convinced.
“Unto my Surprise, when
I came home, I found one of my Neighbours horribly arrested by evil Spirits. I
then beg'd of God, that Hee would help mee wisely to discharge my Duty upon
this occasion, and avoid gratifying of the evil Angels in any of their
Expectations. I did then concern myself to use and gett as much Prayer as I
could for the afflicted young Woman; and at the same time, to forbid, either
her from accusing any of her Neighbours, or others from enquiring any thing of
her. Nevertheless, a wicked Man wrote a most lying Libel to revile my Conduct
in these matters; which drove mee to the Blessed God, with my Supplications
that Hee would wonderfully protect mee, as well from unreasonable Men acted by
the Divels, as from the Divels themselves. I did at first, it may bee, too much
resent the Injuries of that Libel; but God brought good out of it; it
occasioned the Multiplication of my Prayers before Him; it very much promoted
the Works of Humiliation and Mortification in my Soul. Indeed, the Divel made
that Libel an Occasion of those Paroxysms in the Town, that would have
exceedingly gratify'd him, if God had not helped mee to forgive and forgett the
Injuries done unto mee, and to bee deaf unto the Sollicitations of those that
would have had mee so to have resented the Injuries of some few Persons, as to
have deserted the Lecture at the Old Meeting house.
“When the afflicted
young woman had undergone six Weeks of præternatural Calamities and when God
had helped mee to keep just three Dayes of Prayer on her behalf, I had the
Pleasure of seeing the same Success, which I used to have, on my third Fast,
for such possessed People, as have been cast into my cares. God gave her a
glorious Deliverance; The remarkable Circumstances whereof, I have more fully
related, in an History of the whole Business.
“As for my missing
Notes, the possessed young Woman, of her own Accord, enquir'd whether I missed
them not? Shee told mee, the Spectres brag'd in her hearing, that they had
rob't mee of them; shee added, Bee n't concern'd; for they confess, they can't
keep them alwayes from you; you shall have them all brought you again. (They
were Notes on Ps. 119. 19 and Ps. 90. 12 and Hag. 1. 7, 9. I was tender of them
and often pray'd unto God, that they might bee return'd.) On the fifth of
October following, every Leaf of my Notes again came into my Hands, tho' they
were in eighteen separate Quarters of Sheets. They were found drop't here and
there, about the Streets of Lyn; but how they came to bee so drop't I cannot
imagine; and I as much wonder at the Exactness of their Præservation.”
And under October 10th
he adds: “On this Day, I also visited a possessed young Woman in the
Neighbourhood, whose Distresses were not the least occasion of my being thus
before the Lord. I wrestled with God for her: and among other things, I
pleaded, that God had made it my Office and Business to engage my Neighbours in
the Service of the Lord Jesus Christ; and that this young Woman had expressed
her Compliance with my Invitations unto that Service; only that the evil
Spirits now hindred her from doing what shee had vowd: and therefore that I had
a sort of Right to demand her Deliverance from these invading Divels, and to
demand such a Liberty for her as might make her capable of glorifying my
Glorious Lord; which I did accordingly. In the close of this Day, a wonderful
Spirit, in White and bright Raiment, with a Face unseen, appeared unto this
young woman, and bid her count mee her Father, and regard mee and obey mee, as
her Father; for hee said, the Lord had given her to mee; and she should now
within a few Dayes bee delivered. It proved, accordingly.”
And again in December
(p. 178): “And one memorable Providence, I must not forgett. A young Woman
being arrested, possessed, afflicted by evil Angels, her Tormentors made my
Image or Picture to appear before her, and then made themselves Masters of her
Tongue so far, that she began in her Fits to complain that I threatened her and
molested her, tho' when shee came out of them, shee own'd, that they could not
so much as make my dead Shape do her any Harm, and that they putt a Force upon
her Tongue in her Exclamations. Her greatest Out-cries when shee was herself,
were, for my poor Prayers to be concerned on her behalf.
“Being hereupon
extremely sensible, how much a malicious Town and Land would insult over mee,
if such a lying Piece of a Story should fly abroad, that the Divels in my Shape
tormented the Neighbourhood, I was putt upon some Agonies, and singular Salleys
and Efforts of Soul, in the Resignation of my Name unto the Lord; content that
if Hee had no further service for my Name, it should bee torn to pieces with
all the Reproches in the world. But I cried unto the Lord as for the
Deliverance of my Name, from the Malice of Hell, so for the Deliverance of the
young Woman, whom the Powers of Hell had now seized upon. And behold! Without
any further Noise, the possessed Person, upon my praying by her, was delivered
from her Captivity, on the very same Day that shee fell into it; and the whole
Plott of the Divel, to reproach a poor Servant of the Lord Jesus Christ, was
defeated.”
Boston Jan. 11th, 1693.[204] Mr. Cotton Mather, Reverend Sir, I finding it needful on many accounts, I here
present you with the Copy of that Paper, which has been so much Misrepresented,
to the End that what shall be found defective or not fairly Represented, if any
such shall appear, they may be set right, which Runs thus.
September the 13th,
1693.
In the Evening when the Sun was withdrawn, giving place to Darkness to
succeed, I with some others were drawn by curiosity to see Margaret Rule, and
so much the rather because it was reported Mr. M -- [205] would be there that
Night: Being come to her Fathers House into the Chamber wherein she was in Bed,
found her of a healthy countenance of about seventeen Years Old, lying very
still, and speaking very little, what she did say seem'd as if she were Light-headed.
Then Mr. M -- , Father and Son, came up and others with them, in the whole were
about 30 or 40 Persons; they being sat, the Father on a Stool, and the Son upon
the Bedside by her, the Son began to question her, Margaret Rule, how do you
do? then a pause without any answer. Question. What, do there a great many
Witches sit upon you? Answer. Yes. Q. Do you not know that there is a hard
Master? Then she was in a Fit; He laid his hand upon her Face and Nose, but, as
he said, without perceiving Breath; then he brush'd her on the Face with his
Glove, and rubb'd her Stomach (her breast not covered with the Bed-cloaths) and
bid others do so too, and said it eased her, then she revived. Q. Don't you
know there is a hard Master? A. Yes. Reply; Don't serve that hard Master, you
know who. Q. Do you believe? Then again she was in a Fit, and he again rub'd
her Breast, etc. (about this time Margaret Perd an attendant assisted him in
rubbing of her. The Afflicted spake angerely to her saying don't you meddle
with me, and hastily put away her hand) he wrought his Fingers before her Eyes
and asked her if she saw the Witches? A. No. Q. Do you believe? A. Yes. Q. Do
you believe in you know who? A. Yes. Q. Would you have other people do so too,
to believe in you know who? A. Yes. Q. Who is it that Afflicts you? A. I know
not, there is a great many of them (about this time the Father question'd if
she knew the Spectres? An attendant said, if she did she would not tell; The
Son proceeded) Q. You have seen the Black-man, hant[206] you? A. No. Reply; I
hope you never shall. Q. You have had a Book offered you, hant you? A. No. Q.
The brushing of you gives you ease, don't it? A. Yes. She turn'd her selfe and
a little Groan'd. Q. Now the Witches Scratch you and Pinch you, and Bite you,
don't they? A. Yes. Then he put his hand upon her Breast and Belly, viz. on the
Cloaths over her, and felt a Living thing, as he said, which moved the Father
also to feel, and some others; Q. Don't you feel the Live thing in the Bed? A.
No. Reply, that is only Fancie. Q. the great company of People increase your
Torment, don't they? A. Yes. The People about were desired to withdraw. One
Woman said, I am sure I am no Witch, I will not go; so others, so none
withdrew. Q. Shall we go to Prayers? Then she lay in a Fit as before. But this
time to revive her, they waved a Hat and brushed her Head and Pillow therewith.
Q. Shall we go to Pray, etc. Spelling the Word. A. Yes. The Father went to
Prayer for perhaps half an Hour, chiefly against the Power of the Devil and
Witchcraft, and that God would bring out the Afflicters: during Prayer-time,
the Son stood by, and when they thought she was in a Fit, rub'd her and brush'd
her as before, and beckned to others to do the like; after Prayer he proceeded;
Q. You did not hear when we were at Prayer, did you? A. Yes. Q. You dont hear
always, you dont hear sometimes past a Word or two, do you? A. No. Then turning
him about said, this is just another Mercy Short: Margaret Perd reply'd, she
was not like her in her Fits. Q. What does she eat or drink? A. Not eat at all;
but drink Rum. Then he admonished the young People to take warning, etc. Saying
it was a sad thing to be so Tormented by the Devil and his Instruments: A
Young-man present in the habit of a Seaman, reply'd this is the Devil all over.
Than[207] the Ministers withdrew. Soon after they were gon the Afflicted
desired the Women to be gone, saying, that the Company of the Men was not
offensive to her, and having hold of the hand of a Young-man, said to have been
her Sweet-heart formerly, who was withdrawing; She pull'd him again into his
Seat, saying he should not go to Night. September
the 19th, 1693.
This Night I renew'd my Visit, and found her rather of a fresher
Countenance than before, about eight Persons present with her, she was in a Fit
Screeming and making a Noise: Three or four Persons rub'd and brush'd her with
their hands, they said that the brushing did put them away, if they brush'd or
rub'd in the right place; therefore they brush'd and rub'd in several places,
and said that when they did it in the right place she could fetch her Breath,
and by that they knew. She being come to her self was soon in a merry talking
Fit. A Young-man came in and ask'd her how she did? She answered very bad, but
at present a little better; he soon told her he must be gon and bid her good
Night, at which she seem'd troubled, saying, that she liked his Company, and
said she would not have him go till she was well; adding, for I shall Die when
you are gon. Then she complained they did not put her on a clean Cap, but let
her ly so like a Beast, saying, she should lose her Fellows. She said she
wondered any People should be so Wicked as to think she was not Afflicted, but
to think she Dissembled. A Young-woman answered Yes, if they were to see you in
this merry Fit, they would say you Dissembled indeed; She reply'd, Mr. M --
said this was her laughing time, she must laugh now: She said Mr. M -- had been
there this Evening, and she enquired, how long he had been gon? She said, he stay'd
alone with her in the room half an Hour, and said that he told her there were
some that came for Spies, and to report about Town that she was not Afflicted.
That during the said time she had no Fit, that he asked her if she knew how
many times he had Prayed for her to Day? And that she answered that she could
not tell; and that he replyed he had Prayed for her Nine times to Day; the
Attendants said that she was sometimes in a Fit that none could open her
Joynts, and that there came an Old Iron-jaw'd Woman and try'd, but could not do
it; they likewise said, that her Head could not be moved from the Pillow; I
try'd to move her head, and found no more difficulty than another Bodies (and
so did others) but was not willing to offend by lifting it up, one being
reproved for endeavouring it, they saying angrily you will break her Neck; The
Attendants said Mr. M -- would not go to Prayer with her when People were in
the Room, as they did one Night, that Night he felt the Live Creature. Margaret
Perd and another said they smelt Brimstone; I and others said we did not smell
any; then they said they did not know what it was: This Margaret said, she
wish'd she had been here when Mr. M -- was here, another Attendant said, if you
had been here you might not have been permitted in, for her own Mother was not
suffered to be present. Sir, after the
sorest Affliction and greatest blemish to Religion that ever befel this
Countrey, and after most Men began to Fear that some undue steps had been
taken, and after His Excellency (with their Majesties Approbation[208] as is
said) had put a stop to Executions, and Men began to hope there would never be
a return of the like; finding these Accounts to contain in them something
extraordinary, I writ them down the same Nights in order to attain the
certainty of them, and soon found them so confirmed that I have (besides other
Demonstrations) the whole, under the Hands of two Persons are ready to attest
the Truth of it; but not satisfied herewith, I shewed them to some of your
particular Friends, that so I might have the greater certainty: But was much
surprized with the Message you sent me, that I should be Arrested for Slander,
and at your calling me one of the worst of Lyars, making it Pulpit news with
the Name of Pernicious Libels, etc. This occasion'd my first Letter.
September the 29th, 1693. Reverend Sir, I
having written from the Mouths of several Persons, who affirm they were present
with Margaret Rule, the 13th Instant, her Answers and Behaviours, etc. And
having shewed it to several of my Friends, as also yours, and understanding you
are offended at it; This is to acquaint you, that if you and any one particular
Friend, will please to meet me and some other Indifferent Person with me, at
Mr. Wilkins, or at Ben. Harris's,[209] you intimating the time, I shall be
ready there to read it to you, as also a further Account of proceedings the
'19th Instant, which may be needful to prevent Groundless prejudices, and let
deserved blame be cast where it ought; From,
Sir, yours in what I
may,
R. C. The effects of which, Sir,
(not to mention that long Letter only once read to me) was, you sent me word
you would meet me at Mr. Wilkins, but before that Answer, at yours and your
Fathers complaint, I was brought before their Majesties Justice, by Warrant, as
for Scandalous Libels against your self, and was bound over to Answer at
Sessions; I do not remember you then objected against the Truth of what I had
wrote, but asserted it was wronged by omissions, which if it were so was past
any Power of mine to remedy, having given a faithful account of all that came
to my knowledge; And Sir, that you might not be without some Cognisance of the
reasons why I took so much pains in it, as also for my own Information, if it
might have been, I wrote to you my second Letter to this effect.
November the 24th, 1693. Reverend Sir, Having
expected some Weeks, your meeting me at Mr. Wilkins according to what you
intimated to Mr. J. M. -- [210] and the time draw ing near for our meeting
elsewhere, I thought it not amiss to give you a Summary of my thoughts in the
great concern, which as you say has been agitated with so much heat. That there
are Witches is not the doubt, the Scriptures else were in vain, which assign
their Punishment to be by Death; But what this Witchcraft is, or wherein it
does consist, seems to be the whole difficulty: And as it may be easily
demonstrated, that all that bear that Name cannot be justly so accounted, so
that some things and Actions not so esteemed by the most, yet upon due
examination will be found to merit no better Character.
In your late Book you
lay down a brief Synopsis of what has been written on that Subject, by a
Triumvirate of as Eminent Men as ever handled it (as you are pleas'd to call
them) Viz. Mr. Perkins,[211] Gaule,[212] and Bernard[213] consisting of about
30 Tokens to know them by, many of them distinct from, if not thwarting each
other: Among all of which I can find but one decisive, Viz. That of Mr. Gaule,
Head IV. and runs thus; Among the most unhappy Circumstances to convict a
Witch, one is a maligning and oppugning the Word, Work, or Worship of God, and
by any extraordinary Sign seeking to seduce any from it, see Deu. 13. 1, 2.
Mat. 24. 24. Acts. 13. 8, 10. 2 Tim. 3. 8. Do but mark well the places, and for
this very property of thus opposing and perverting, they are all there
concluded and absolute Witches.[214]
This Head as here laid
down and inserted by you, either is a Truth or not; if not, why is it here
inserted from one of the Triumvirate, if it be a Truth, as the Scriptures
quoted will abundantly testifie, whence is it that it is so little regarded,
tho it be the only Head well proved by Scripture, or that the rest of the
Triumvirate should so far forget their Work as not to mention it. It were to be
unjust to the Memory of those otherwise Wise Men, to suppose them to have any
Sinister design; But perhaps the force of a prevailing opinion, together with
an Education thereto Suited, might over shadow their Judgments, as being wont
to be but too prevalent in many other cases. But if the above be Truth, then
the Scripture is full and plain, What is Witchcraft? And if so, what need of
his next Head of Hanging of People without as full and clear Evidence as in
other Cases? Or what need of the rest of the Receipts of the Triumvirate? what
need of Praying that the Afflicted may be able to discover who tis that
Afflicts them? or what need of Searching for Tet's for the Devil to Suck in his
Old Age, or the Experiment of saying the Lords Prayer, etc. Which[215] a
multitude more practised in some places Superstitiously inclin'd. Other Actions
have been practised for easing the Afflicted, less justifiable, if not strongly
savouring of Witchcraft it self, viz. Fondly Imagining by the Hand, etc., to
drive off Spectres, or to knock off Invisible Chains, or by striking in the Air
to Wound either the Afflicted or others, etc. I write not this to accuse any,
but that all may beware believing, That the Devil's bounds are set, which he
cannot pass, That the Devils are so full of Malice, That it cant be added to by
Mankind, That where he hath Power, he neither can nor will omit Executing it,
That 'tis only the Almighty that sets bounds to his rage, and that only can
Commissionate him to hurt or destroy any.
These last, Sir, are
such Foundations of Truth, in my esteem, that I cannot but own it to be my duty
to ascert them, when call'd tho' with the hazard of my All: And consequently to
detect such as these, That a Witch can Commissionate Devils to Afflict Mortals,
That he can at his or the Witches pleasure Assume any Shape, That Hanging or
Chaining of Witches can lessen his Power of Afflicting, or restore those that
were at a distance Tormented, with many others depending on these; all tending,
in my esteem, highly to the Dishonour of God, and the Indangering the
well-being of a People, and do further add, that as the Scriptures are full
that there is Witchcraft, (ui sup.) so 'tis as plain that there are
Possessions, and that the Bodies of the Possest have hence been not only
Afflicted, but strangely agitated, if not their Tongues improved to foretell
futurities, etc. and why not to accuse the Innocent, as bewitching them; having
pretence to Divination to gain credence. This being reasonable to be expected,
from him who is the Father of Lies, to the end he may thereby involve a
Countrey in Blood, Mallice, and Evil, surmising which he greedily seeks after,
and so finally lead them from their fear and dependence upon God to fear him,
and a supposed Witch thereby attaining his end upon Mankind; and not only so,
but Natural Distemper, as has been frequently observed by the Judicious, have
so operated as to deceive, more than the Vulgar, as is testified by many Famous
Physicians, and others. And as for that proof of Multitudes of Confessions,
this Countrey may be by this time thought Competent Judges, what credence we
ought to give them, having had such numerous Instances, as also how obtain'd.
And now Sir, if herein
be any thing in your esteem valuable, let me intreat you, not to account it the
worse for coming from so mean a hand; which however you may have receiv'd
Prejudices, etc., Am ready to serve you to my Power; but if you Judge otherwise
hereof, you may take your own Methods for my better Information. Who am, Sir,
yours to command, in what I may,
R. C.[216] In Answer to this
last, Sir, you replyed to the Gentleman that presented it, that you had nothing
to Prosecute against me; and said as to your Sentiments in your Books, you did
not bind any to believe them, and then again renew'd your promise of meeting
me, as before, tho' not yet performed. Accordingly, tho' I waited at Sessions,
there was none to object ought against me, upon which I was dismissed. This
gave me some reason to believe that you intended all should have been
forgotten; But instead of that, I find the Coals are fresh blown up, I being
supposed to be represented, in a late Manuscript, More Wonders of the, etc., as
Traversing[217] your Discourse in your Faithful discharge of your Duty, etc.
And such as see not with the Authors Eyes, rendred Sadducees and Witlins,[218]
etc., and the Arguments that square not with the Sentiments therein contain'd,
Buffoonary; rarely no doubt, agreeing with the Spirit of Christ, and his
dealings with an unbelieving Thomas, yet whose infidelity was without compare
less excusable, but the Author having resolved long since, to have no more than
one single Grain of Patience, with them that deny,[219] etc., the Wonder is the
less. It must needs be that offences come, but wo to him by whom they come. To
vindicate my self therefore from such false Imputations, of Satanlike
insinuations, and misrepresenting your Actions, etc., and to vindicate your
self, Sir, as much as is in my Power from those Suggestions, said to be
Insinuated, as if you wore not the Modesty and Gravity, that becomes a Minister
of the Gospel; which it seems, some that never saw the said Narratives, report
themo contain; I say, Sir, for these reasons, I here present you with the first
Coppy that ever was taken, etc. And purpose for a Weeks time to be ready, if
you shall intimate your pleasure, to wait upon you, either at the place
formerly appointed, or any other that is indifferent to the End; that if there
shall appear any defects in that Narrative, they may be amended.
Thus, Sir, I have given
you a genuine account of my Sentiments and Actions in this Affair; and do
request and pray, that if I err, I may be shewed it from Scripture, or sound
Reason, and not by quotations out of Virgil, nor Spanish Rhetorick. For I find the
Witlings mentioned, are so far from answering your profound questions, that
they cannot so much as pretend to shew a distinction between Witchcraft in the
Common notion of it, and Possession; Nor so much as to demonstrate that ever
the Jews or primitive Christians did believe, that a Witch could send a Devil
to Afflict her Neighbours; but to all these, Sir, (ye being the Salt of the
Earth, etc.) I have reason to hope for a Satisfactory Answer to him, who is one
that reverences your Person and Office; And am, Sir, yours to Command in what I
may,
Boston, January the 15th, 1693/4. Mr. R. C. Whereas you intimate your desires, that what's not fairly, (I take
it for granted you mean truly also,) represented in a Paper you lately sent me,
containing a pretended Narrative of a Visit by my Father and self to an
Afflicted Young woman, whom we apprehended to be under a Diabolical Possession,
might be rectified: I have this to say, as I have often already said, that I do
scarcely find any one thing in the whole Paper, whether respecting my Father or
self, either fairly or truly represented. Nor can I think that any that know my
Parents Circumstances, but must think him deserving a better Character by far,
than this Narrative can be thought to give him. When the main design we managed
in Visiting the poor Afflicted Creature, was to prevent the Accusations of the
Neighbourhood, can it be fairly represented that our design was to draw out
such Accusations, which is the representation of the Paper? We have Testimonies
of the best Witnesses and in Number not a few, That when we asked Rule whether
she thought she knew who Tormented her? the Question was but an Introduction to
the Solemn charges which we then largely gave, that she should rather Dye than
tell the Names of any whom she might Imagine that she knew. Your Informers have
reported the Question, and report nothing of what follows, as essential to the
giving of that Question: And can this be termed a piece of fairness? Fair it
cannot be, that when Ministers Faithfully and Carefully discharge their Duty to
the Miserable in their Flock, little bits, scraps and shreds of their
Discourses should be tackt together to make them contemtible, when there shall
be no notice of all the Necessary, Seasonable, and Profitable things that
occur'd, in those Discourses; And without which, the occasion of the lesser
Passages cannot be understood; And yet I am furnished with abundant Evidences,
ready to be Sworn, that will possitively prove this part of unfairness, by the above
mention'd Narrative, to be done both to my Father and self. Again, it seems not
fair or reasonable that I should be expos'd, for which your self (not to say
some others) might have expos'd me for, if I had not done, Viz. for
discouraging so much Company from flocking about the Possest Maid, and yet, as
I perswade my self, you cannot but think it to be good advice, to keep much
Company from such haunted Chambers; besides the unfairness doth more appear, in
that I find nothing repeated of what I said about the advantage, which the
Devil takes from too much Observation and Curiosity.
In that several of the
Questions in the Paper are so Worded, as to carry in them a presupposal of the
things inquired after, to say the best of it is very unfair: But this is not
all, the Narrative contains a number of Mistakes and Falshoods; which were they
willful and design'd, might justly be termed gross Lies. The representations
are far from true, when 'tis affirm'd my Father and self being come into the
Room, I began the Discourse; I hope I understand breeding a little better than
so: For proof of this, did occasion serve, sundry can depose the contrary.
'Tis no less untrue,
that either my Father or self put the Question, how many Witches sit upon you?
We always cautiously avoided that expression; It being contrary to our inward
belief: All the standers by will (I believe) Swear they did not hear us use it
(your Witnesses excepted) and I tremble to think how hardy those woful
Creatures must be, to call the Almighty by an Oath, to so false a thing. As
false a representation 'tis, that I rub'd Rule's Stomach, her Breast not being
covered. The Oath of the nearest Spectators, giving a true account of that
matter will prove this to be little less than a gross (if not a doubled) Lie;
and to be somewhat plainer, it carries the Face of a Lie contrived on purpose
(by them at least, to whom you are beholden for the Narrative) Wickedly and
Basely to expose me. For you cannot but know how much this Representation hath
contributed, to make People believe a Smutty thing of me; I am far from
thinking, but that in your own Conscience you believe, that no indecent Action
of that Nature could then be done by me before such observers, had I been so
Wicked as to have been inclin'd to what is Base. It looks next to impossible
that a reparation shoud be made me for the wrong done to, I hope, as to any
Scandal, an unblemish'd, tho' weak and small Servant of the Church of God. Nor
is what follows a less untruth, that 'twas an Attendant and not my self who
said, if Rule knows who Afflicts her, yet she wont tell. I therefore spoke it
that I might incourage her to continue in that concealment of all Names
whatsoever; to this I am able to furnish my self with the Attestation of
Sufficient Oaths. 'Tis as far from true, that my apprehension of the Imp, about
Rule, was on her Belly, for the Oaths of the Spectators, and even of those that
thought they felt it, can testify that 'twas upon the Pillow, at a distance
from her Body. As untrue a Representation is that which follows, Viz. That it
was said unto her, that her not Apprehending of that odd palpable, tho' not
visible, Mover was from her Fancy, for I endeavoured to perswade her that it
might be but Fancy in others, that there was any such thing at all. Witnesses
every way sufficient can be produced for this also. 'Tis falsely represented
that my Father felt on the Young-woman after the appearance mentioned, for his
hand was never near her; Oath can sufficiently vindicate him. 'Tis very untrue
that my Father Prayed for perhaps half an Hour, against the power of the Devil
and Witchcraft, and that God would bring out the Afflictors. Witnesses of the
best Credit, can depose, that his Prayer was not a quarter of an Hour, and that
there was no more than about one clause towards the close of the Prayer, which
was of this import; And this clause also was guarded with a singular wariness
and modesty, Viz. If there were any evil Instruments in this matter God would
please to discover them: And that there was more than common reason for that
Petition I can satisfie any one that will please to Inquire of me. And strange
it is, that a Gentleman that from 18 to 54 hath been an Exemplary Minister of
the Gospel; and that besides a station in the Church of God, as considerable as
any that his own Country can afford, hath for divers years come off with
Honour, in his Application to three Crown'd Heads, and the chiefest Nobility of
three Kingdoms, Knows not yet how to make one short Prayer of a quarter of an
hour, but in New-England he must be Libell'd for it. There are divers other
down-right mistakes, which you have permitted your self, I would hope not
knowingly, and with a Malicious design, to be receiver or Compiler of, which I
shall now forbear to Animadvert upon. As for the Appendix of the Narrative I do
find myself therein Injuriously treated, for the utmost of your proof for what
you say of me, amounts to little more than, viz. Some People told you, that
others told them, that such and such things did pass, but you may assure
yourself, that I am not unfurnish'd with Witnesses, that can convict the same.
Whereas you would give me to believe the bottom of these your Methods, to be
some dissatisfaction about the commonly receiv'd Power of Devils and Witches; I
do not only with all freedom offer you the use of any part of my Library, which
you may see cause to peruse on that Subject, but also if you and any else, whom
you please, will visit me at my Study, yea, or meet me at any other place, less
inconvenient than those by you propos'd; I will with all the fairness and
calmness in the World dispute the point. I beg of God that he would bestow as
many Blessings on you, as ever on myself, and out of a sincere wish, that you
may be made yet more capable of these Blessings, I take this occasion to lay
before you the faults (not few nor small ones neither) which the Paper
contained, you lately sent me in order to be Examined by me. In case you want a
true and full Narrative of my Visit, whereof such an indecent Traversty (to say
the best) hath been made, I am not unwilling to communicate it, in mean time
must take liberty to say, 'Tis scarcely consistent with Common Civility, much
less Christian Charity, to offer the Narrative, now with you, for a true one,
till you have a truer, or for a full one, till you have a fuller. Your Sincere
(tho Injur'd) Friend and Servant,
Boston, Jan. 18, 1693.[220] Mr. Cotton Mather, Reverend Sir, Yours of the 15th Instant, I receiv'd
yesterday; and soon found I had promised my self too much by it, Viz, Either
concurrence with, or a denial of those Fundamentals mentioned in mine, of
Novem. the 24th, finding this waved by an Invitation to your Library, etc. I
thank God I have the Bible, and do Judge that sufficient to demonstrate that
cited Head of Mr. Gaule to be a Truth, as also those other Heads mentioned, as
the Foundations of Religion. And in my apprehension, if it be asked any Christian,
whether God governs the World, and whether it be he only can Commissionate
Devils, and such other Fundamentals, He ought to be as ready as in the
Question, who made him? (a little Writing certainly might be of more use, to
clear up the controverted points, than either looking over many Books in a well
furnish'd Library, or than a dispute, if I were qualified for it; the
Inconveniencies of Passion being this way best avoided) And am not without
hopes that you will yet oblige me so far, as to consider that Letter, and if I
Err, to let me see it by Scripture, etc.
Yours, almost the whole
of it, is concerning the Narrative I sent to you, and you seem to intimate as
if I were giving Characters, Reflections, and Libell's etc. concerning your
self and Relations; all which were as far from my thoughts, as ever they were
in writing after either your self, or any other Minister. In the front you
declare your apprehension to be, that the Afflicted was under a Diabolical
Possession, and if so, I see not how it should be occasion'd by any Witchcraft
(unless we ascribe that Power to a Witch, which is only the Prerogative of the
Almighty, of Sending or Commissionating the Devils to Afflict her.) But to your
particular Objections against the Narrative; and to the first my intelligence
not giving me any further, I could not insert that I knew not. And it seems
improbable that a Question should be put, whether she knew (or rather who they
were) and at the same time to charge her, and that upon her Life, not to tell, and
if you had done so, I see but little good you could promise your self or others
by it, she being Possest, as also having it inculcated so much to her of
Witchcraft. And as to the next Objection about company flocking, etc., I do
profess my Ignorance, not knowing what you mean by it. And Sir, that most of
the Questions did carry with them a presupposing the things inquired after, is
evident, if there were such as those relating to the Black-man and a Book, and
about her hearing the Prayer, etc. (related in the said Narrative, which I find
no Objection against.) As to that which is said of mentioning your self first
discoursing and your hopes that your breeding was better (I doubt it not) nor
do I doubt your Father might first apply himself to others; but my intelligence
is, that you first spake to the Afflicted or Possessed, for which you had the
advantage of a nearer approach. The next two Objections are founded upon
mistakes: I find not in the Narrative any such Question, as how many Witches
sit upon you? and that her Breast was not covered, in which those material
words “with the Bed-Cloaths” are wholly omitted; I am not willing to retort
here your own Language upon you; but can tell you, that your own discourse of
it publickly, at Sir W. P.'s[221] Table, has much more contributed to, etc. As
to the Reply, if she could she would not tell, whether either or both spake it
it matters not much. Neither does the Narrative say you felt the live thing on
her Belly; tho I omit now to say what further demonstrations there are of it.
As to that Reply, that is only her fancy, I find the word “her” added. And as
to your Fathers feeling for the live Creature after you had felt it, if it were
on the Bed it was not so very far from her. And for the length of his Prayer,
possibly your Witnesses might keep a more exact account of the time than those
others, and I stand not for a few Minutes. For the rest of the Objections I
suppose them of less moment, if less can be (however shall be ready to receive
them, those matters of greatest concern I find no Objections against). These
being all that yet appear, it may be thought that if the Narrative be not fully
exact, it was as near as Memory could bear away; but should be glad to see one
more perfect (which yet is not to be expected, seeing none writ at the time).
You mention the appendix, by which I understand the Second Visit, and if you be
by the possessed belyed (as being half an hour with her alone, excluding her
own Mother, and as telling her you had Prayed for her Nine times that day, and
that now was her Laughing time, she must Laugh now) I can see no Wonder in it;
what can be expected less from the Father of Lies, by whom, you Judge, she was
possest.
And besides the above
Letter, you were pleased to send me another Paper containing several
Testimonies of the Possessed being lifted up, and held a space of several
Minutes to the Garret floor, etc., but they omit giving the account, whether
after she was down they bound her down: or kept holding her: And relate not how
many were to pull her down, which hinders the knowledge what number they must
be to be stronger than an Invisible Force. Upon the whole, I suppose you expect
I should believe it; and if so, the only advantage gain'd, is that which has
been so long controverted between Protestants and Papists, whether Miracles are
ceast, will hereby seem to be decided for the latter; it being, for ought I can
see, if so, as true a Miracle as for Iron to swim, and that the Devil can work
such Miracles.
But Sir, leaving these
little disputable things, I do again pray that you would let me have the
happiness of your approbation or confutation of that Letter before referred to.
And now, Sir, that the
God of all Grace may enable us Zealously to own his Truths, and to follow those
things that tend to Peace, and that yourself may be as an useful Instrument in
his hand, effectually to ruin the remainders of Heathenish and Popish
Superstitions, is the earnest desire and prayer of yours to command, in what I
may.
[204]. 1694 of our
present calendar.
[205]. Mather.
[206]. Haven't, hain't.
[207]. Then.
[208]. The answer to
Governor Phips's letter of October 12 (see pp. 196-198, above) was indeed a
royal order of January 26 “approving his action in stopping the proceedings against
the witches in New England, and directing that in all future proceedings
against persons accused of witchcraft or of possession by the devil, all
circumspection be used so far as may be without impediment to the ordinary
course of justice” -- what Frederick the Great would have called “a vague
answer -- in the Austrian style -- that should mean nothing.” It of course did
not reach America till after the despatch of Sir William's letter of February
21 (pp. 198-202, above).
[209]. The two Boston
booksellers'.
[210]. It is perhaps
idle to guess at the identity of this gentleman; but his initials suggest the
Rev. Joshua Moodey, whose kindlier attitude toward witches and their defenders
may be inferred from his course in the case of Philip English (see pp. 187-188,
note), and who, though early in 1693 he returned to Portsmouth, was still often
in Boston. Nor may it be forgotten that the initials of the Rev. Increase
Mather are by the printer constantly made “J. M.”
[211]. See above, p.
304, note 3.
[212]. See above, p.
216, note 1, and p. 219.
[213]. See above, p.
304, note 5.
[214]. To the end of
the paragraph the words are Gaule's. Calef is quoting them, not from Gaule's
book, but from Mather's Wonders; for Gaule numbers this rule, not IV., but X., and
the introductory words (“Among the most unhappy Circumstances to convict a
witch, one is”) are not his, but Mather's -- and there are other slight
departures from Gaule's wording.
[215]. With.
[216]. By a misprint
the original has “P. C.”
[217]. Travestying. See
p. 323, above.
[218]. See p. 318,
above.
[219]. See p. 123,
above.
[220]. 1694 of new
style.
[221]. Sir William
Phips's.
[222]. Between this
letter and the pages of Calef's book which here follow there intervene (1)
further letters from him to Mather and to other Boston ministers, on whom he
urges his views, (2) a body of documents relating to the controversy between
the Rev. Mr. Parris and his disaffected parishioners at Salem Village between
the period of the witch-trials and his removal, (3) an epistolary discussion as
to the theory of witchcraft between Calef and a Scotsman named Stuart.
An Impartial Account of the most Memorable Matters of Fact, touching the
supposed Witchcraft in New England.[223] Mr.
Parris had been some years a Minister in Salem-Village,[224] when this sad
Calamity (as a deluge) overflowed them, spreading it self far and near: He was
a Gentleman of Liberal Education, and not meeting with any great Encouragement,
or Advantage in Merchandizing, to which for some time he apply'd himself,
betook himself to the work of the Ministry; this Village being then vacant, he
met with so much Encouragement, as to settle in that Capacity among them.
After he had been there
about two years, he obtained a Grant from a part of the Town, that the House
and Land he Occupied, and which had been Alotted by the whole People to the
Ministry, should be and remain to him, etc. as his own Estate in Fee Simple.
This occasioned great Divisions both between the Inhabitants themselves, and
between a considerable part of them and their said Minister, which Divisions
were but as a beginning or Præludium to what immediately followed.
It was the latter end
of February 1691,[225] when divers young Persons belonging to Mr. Parris's
Family, and one or more of the Neighbourhood, began to Act, after a strange and
unusual manner, viz. as by getting into Holes, and creeping under Chairs and
Stools, and to use sundry odd Postures and Antick Gestures, uttering foolish,
ridiculous Speeches, which neither they themselves nor any others could make
sense of; the Physicians that were called could assign no reason for this; but
it seems one of them,[226] having recourse to the old shift, told them he was
afraid they were Bewitched; upon such suggestions, they that were concerned
applied themselves to Fasting and Prayer, which was attended not only in their
own private Families, but with calling in the help of others.
March the 11th. Mr.
Parris invited several Neighbouring Ministers to join with him in keeping a
Solemn day of Prayer at his own House; the time of the exercise those Persons
were for the most part silent, but after any one Prayer was ended, they would
Act and Speak strangely and Ridiculously, yet were such as had been well
Educated and of good Behaviour, the one, a Girl of 11 or 12 years old,[227]
would sometimes seem to be in a Convulsion Fit, her Limbs being twisted several
ways, and very stiff, but presently her Fit would be over.
A few days before this
Solemn day of Prayer, Mr. Parris's Indian Man and Woman[228] made a Cake of Rye
Meal, with the Childrens Water, and Baked it in the Ashes, and as is said, gave
it to the Dog; this was done as a means to Discover Witchcraft;[229] soon after
which those ill affected or afflicted Persons named several that they said they
saw, when in their Fits, afflicting of them.
The first complain'd
of, was the said Indian Woman, named Tituba. She confessed that the Devil urged
her to sign a Book, which he presented to her, and also to work Mischief to the
Children, etc. She was afterwards Committed to Prison, and lay there till Sold
for her Fees.[230] The account she since gives of it is, that her Master did
beat her and otherways abuse her, to make her confess and accuse (such as he
call'd) her Sister-Witches, and that whatsoever she said by way of confessing
or accusing others, was the effect of such usage; her Master refused to pay her
Fees, unless she would stand to what she had said.[231]
The Children complained
likewise of two other Women, to be the Authors of their Hurt, Viz. Sarah Good,
who had long been counted a Melancholy or Distracted Woman, and one Osburn, an
Old Bed-rid Woman; which two were Persons so ill thought of, that the
accusation was the more readily believed; and after Examination before two
Salem Magistrates,[232] were committed:
March the 19th, Mr.
Lawson (who had been formerly a Preacher at the said Village) came thither, and
hath since set fourth in Print an account of what then passed, about which
time, as he saith, they complained of Goodwife Cory, and Goodwife Nurse,
Members of the Churches at the Village and at Salem, many others being by that
time Accused.
March the 21st,
Goodwife Cory was examined before the Magistrates of Salem, at the Meeting
House in the Village, a throng of Spectators being present to see the Novelty.
Mr. Noyes, one of the Ministers of Salem, began with Prayer, after which the
Prisoner being call'd, in order to answer to what should be Alledged against
her, she desired that she might go to Prayer, and was answered by the
Magistrates, that they did not come to hear her pray, but to examine her.
The number of the
Afflicted were at that time about Ten, Viz. Mrs. Pope, Mrs. Putman, Goodwife
Bibber, and Goodwife Goodall, Mary Wolcott, Mercy Lewes (at Thomas Putmans) and
Dr. Griggs Maid, and three Girls, Viz. Elizabeth Parris, Daughter to the
Minister, Abigail Williams his Neice, and Ann Putman, which last three were not
only the beginners, but were also the chief in these Accusations. These Ten
were most of them present at the Examination, and did vehemently accuse her of
Afflicting them, by Biting, Pinching, Strangling, etc. And they said, they did
in their Fits see her likeness coming to them, and bringing a Book for them to
Sign; Mr. Hathorn, a Magistrate of Salem, asked her, why she Afflicted those
Children? she said, she did not Afflict them; he asked her, who did then? she
said, “I do not know, how should I know?” she said, they were Poor Distracted
Creatures, and no heed to be given to what they said; Mr. Hathorn and Mr. Noyes
replied that it was the Judgment of all that were there present, that they were
bewitched, and only she (the Accused) said they were Distracted: She was
Accused by them, that the Black Man Whispered to her in her Ear now (while she
was upon Examination) and that she had a Yellow Bird, that did use to Suck
between her Fingers, and that the said Bird did Suck now in the Assembly; order
being given to look in that place to see if there were any sign, the Girl that
pretended to see it said, that it was too late now, for she had removed a Pin,
and put it on her head, it was upon search found, that a Pin was there sticking
upright. When the Accused had any motion of their Body, Hands or Mouth, the Accusers
would cry out, as when she bit her Lip, they would cry out of being bitten, if
she grasped one hand with the other, they would cry out of being Pinched by
her, and would produce marks, so of the other motions of her Body, as
complaining of being Prest, when she lean'd to the seat next her, if she
stirred her Feet, they would stamp and cry out of Pain there. After the hearing
the said Cory was committed to Salem Prison, and then their crying out of her
abated.
March the 24th,
Goodwife Nurse was brought before Mr. Hathorn and Mr. Curwin (Magistrates) in
the Meeting House. Mr. Hale, Minister of Beverly, began with Prayer, after
which she being Accus'd of much the same Crimes made the like an swers,
asserting her own Innocence with earnestness. The Accusers were mostly the
same, Tho. Putmans Wife, etc. complaining much. The dreadful Shreiking from her
and others, was very amazing, which was heard at a great distance; she was also
Committed to Prison.
A Child of Sarah Goods
was likewise apprehended, being between 4 and 5 years Old. The Accusers said
this Child bit them, and would shew such like marks, as those of a small Sett
of Teeth upon their Arms; as many of the Afflicted as the Child cast its Eye
upon, would complain they were in Torment; which Child they also Committed.
Concerning these that
had been hitherto Examined and Committed, it is among other things observed by
Mr. Lawson (in Print[233]) that they were by the Accusers charged to belong to
a Company that did muster in Arms, and were reported by them to keep Days of
Fast, Thanksgiving and Sacraments; and that those Afflicted (or Accusers) did
in the Assembly Cure each others, even with a touch of their Hand, when
strangled and otherways tortured, and would endeavour to get to the Afflicted
to relieve them thereby (for hitherto they had not used the Experiment of
bringing the Accused to touch the Afflicted, in order to their Cure) and could
foretel one anothers Fits to be coming, and would say, look to such a one, she
will have a Fit presently and so it happened, and that at the same time when
the Accused person was present, the Afflicted said they saw her Spectre or
likeness in other places of the Meeting House Suckling[234] of their Familiars.
The said Mr. Lawson
being to Preach at the Village, after the Psalm was Sung, Abigail Williams
said, “Now stand up and name your Text”; after it was read, she said, “It is a
long Text.” Mrs. Pope in the beginning of Sermon said to him, “Now there is
enough of that.” In Sermon, he referring to his Doctrine, Abigail Williams said
to him, “I know no Doctrine you had, if you did name one I have forgot it.” Ann
Putman, an afflicted Girl, said, There was a Yellow Bird sate on his Hat as it
hung on the Pin in the Pulpit.
March 31, 1692. Was set
apart as a day of Solemn Humiliation at Salem, upon the Account of this
Business, on which day Abigail Williams said, That she saw a great number of
Persons in the Village at the Administration of a Mock Sacrament, where they
had Bread as read as raw Flesh, and red Drink.
April 1. Mercy Lewis
affirmed, That she saw a man in white, with whom she went into a Glorious
Place, viz. In her fits, where was no Light of the Sun, much less of Candles,
yet was full of Light and Brightness, with a great Multitude in White
Glittering Robes, who Sang the Song in 5. Rev. 9. and the 110 and 149 Psalms;
And was grieved that she might tarry no longer in this place. This White Man is
said to have appeared several times to others of them, and to have given them
notice how long it should be before they should have another Fit.
April the 3d. Being
Sacrament Day at the Village, Sarah Cloys, Sister to Goodwife Nurse, a Member
to one of the Churches, was (tho' it seems with difficulty prevail'd with to
be) present; but being entred the place, and Mr. Parris naming his Text, 6
John, 70. Have not I chosen you Twelve, and one of you is a Devil (for what
cause may rest as a doubt whether upon the account of her Sisters being
Committed, or because of the choice of that Text) she rose up and went out, the
wind shutting the Door forcibly, gave occasion to some to suppose she went out
in Anger, and might occasion a suspicion of her; however she was soon after
complain'd of, examin'd and Committed.
April the 11th. By this
time the number of the Accused and Accusers being much encreased, was a Publick
Examination at Salem, Six of the Magistrates with several Ministers being
present;[235] there appeared several who complain'd against others with hidious
clamors and Screechings. Goodwife Proctor was brought thither, being Accused or
cryed out against; her Husband coming to attend and assist her, as there might
be need, the Accusers cryed out of him also, and that with so much earnestness,
that he was Committed with his Wife. About this time besides the Experiment of
the Afflicted falling at the sight, etc., they put the Accused upon saying the
Lords Prayer, which one among them performed, except in that petition, Deliver
us from Evil, she exprest it thus, Deliver us from all Evil. This was lookt
upon as if she Prayed against what she was now justly under, and being put upon
it again, and repeating those words, Hallowed be thy name, she exprest it,
Hollowed be thy Name, this was counted a depraving the words, as signifying to
make void, and so a Curse rather then[236] a Prayer, upon the whole it was
concluded that she also could not say it, etc. Proceeding in this work of
examination and Commitment, many were sent to Prison. As an Instance, see the
following Mittimus:
You are in Their
Majesties Names hereby required to take into your care, and safe custody, the
Bodies of William Hobs, and Deborah[238] his Wife, Mary Easty, the Wife of
Isaac Easty, and Sarah Wild, the Wife of John Wild, all of Topsfield; and
Edward Bishop of Salem-Village, Husbandman, and Sarah his Wife, and Mary Black,
a Negro of Lieutenant Nathaniel Putmans of Salem-Village; also Mary English the
Wife of Philip English, Merchant in Salem;[239] who stand charged with High
Suspicion of Sundry Acts of Witchcraft, done or committed by them lately upon
the Bodies of Ann Putman, Mercy Lewis[240] and Abigail Williams, of
Salem-Village, whereby great Hurt and Damage hath been done to the Bodies of
the said Persons, [as] according to the complaint of Thomas Putman and John
Buxton of Salem-Village, Exhibited Salem, Apr 21, 1692, appears, whom you are
to secure in order to their further Examination. Fail not.
You are in their
Majesties Names hereby required to convey the above-named to the Goal at Salem.
Fail not.
John Hathorn, Assistants. Jona. Curwin, Dated Salem, Apr 22, 1692. The occasion of Bishops being cry'd
out of[241] was, he being at an Examination in Salem, when at the Inn an
afflicted Indian[242] was very unruly, whom he undertook, and so managed him,
that he was very orderly, after which in riding home, in company of him and
other Accusers, the Indian fell into a fit, and clapping hold with his Teeth on
the back of the Man that rode before him, thereby held himself upon the Horse,
but said Bishop striking him with his stick, the Indian soon recovered, and
promised he would do so no more; to which Bishop replied, that he doubted not,
but he could cure them all, with more to the same effect; immediately after he
was parted from them, he was cried out of, etc.
May 14, 1692. Sir
William Phips arrived with Commission from Their Majesties to be Governour,
pursuant to the New-Charter; which he now brought with him; the Ancient Charter
having been vacated by King Charles, and King James (by which they had a power
not only to make their own Laws; but also to chuse their own Governour and
Officers;) and the Countrey for some years was put under an absolute
Commission-Government, till the Revolution,[243] at which time tho more than
two thirds of the People were for reassuming their ancient Government, (to
which they had encouragement by His then Royal Highness's Proclamation) yet
some that might have been better imployed (in another Station)[244] made it
their business (by printing, as well as speaking) to their utmost to divert
them from such a settlement; and so far prevailed, that for about seven Weeks
after the Revolution, here was not so much as a face of any Government; but
some few Men upon their own Nomination would be called a Committee of Safety;
but at length the Assembly prevailed with those that had been of the
Government, to promise that they would reassume; and accordingly a Proclamation
was drawn, but before publishing it, it was underwritten, that they would not
have it understood that they did reassume Charter-Government; so that between
Government and no Government, this Countrey remained till Sir William arrived;
Agents being in this time impowered in England, which no doubt did not all of
them act according to the Minds or Interests of those that impowered them,
which is manifest by their not acting jointly in what was done; so that this
place is perhaps a single Instance (even in the best of Reigns) of a Charter
not restored after so happy a Revolution.
This settlement by Sir
William Phips his being come Governour put an end to all disputes of these
things, and being arrived, and having read his Commission, the first thing he
exerted his Power in, was said to be his giving Orders that Irons should be put
upon those in Prison; for tho for some time after these were Committed, the
Accusers ceased to cry out of them;[245] yet now the cry against them was
renewed, which occasioned such Order; and tho there was partiality in the
executing it (some having taken them off[246] almost as soon as put on) yet the
cry of these Accusers against such ceased after this Order.[247]
May 24. Mrs. Cary of
Charlestown, was Examined and Committed. Her Husband Mr. Nathaniel Cary[248]
has given account thereof, as also of her Escape, to this Effect,
I having heard some
days, that my Wife was accused of Witchcraft, being much disturbed at it, by
advice, we went to Salem-Village, to see if the afflicted did know her; we
arrived there, 24 May, it happened to be a day appointed for Examination;
accordingly soon after our arrival, Mr. Hathorn and Mr. Curwin, etc., went to
the Meeting-house, which was the place appointed for that Work, the Minister
began with Prayer, and having taken care to get a convenient place, I observed,
that the afflicted were two Girls of about Ten Years old,[249] and about two or
three other, of about eighteen, one of the Girls talked most, and could discern
more than the rest. The Prisoners were called in one by one, and as they came
in were cried out of, etc. The Prisoner was placed about 7 or 8 foot from the
Justices, and the Accusers between the Justices and them; the Prisoner was
ordered to stand right before the Justices, with an Officer appointed to hold
each hand, least they should therewith afflict them, and the Prisoners Eyes
must be constantly on the Justices; for if they look'd on the afflicted, they
would either fall into their Fits, or cry out of being hurt by them; after Examination
of the Prisoners, who it was afflicted these Girls, etc., they were put upon
saying the Lords Prayer, as a tryal of their guilt; after the afflicted seem'd
to be out of their Fits, they would look steadfastly on some one person, and
frequently not speak; and then the Justices said they were struck dumb, and
after a little time would speak again; then the Justices said to the Accusers, “which
of you will go and touch the Prisoner at the Bar?” then the most couragious
would adventure, but before they had made three steps would ordinarily fall
down as in a Fit; the Justices ordered that they should be taken up and carried
to the Prisoner, that she might touch them; and as soon as they were touched by
the accused, the Justices would say, they are well, before I could discern any
alteration; by which I observed that the Justices understood the manner of it.
Thus far I was only as a Spectator, my Wife also was there part of the time,
but no notice taken of her by the afflicted, except once or twice they came to
her and asked her name.
But I having an
opportunity to Discourse[250] Mr. Hale[251] (with whom I had formerly
acquaintance) I took his advice, what I had best to do, and desired of him that
I might have an opportunity to speak with her that accused my Wife; which he
promised should be, I acquainting him that I reposed my trust in him.
Accordingly he came to
me after the Examination was over, and told me I had now an opportunity to
speak with the said Accuser, viz. Abigail Williams, a Girl of 11 or 12 Years
old; but that we could not be in private at Mr. Parris's House, as he had
promised me; we went therefore into the Alehouse, where an Indian Man attended
us, who it seems was one of the afflicted: to him we gave some Cyder, he shewed
several Scars, that seemed as if they had been long there, and shewed them as
done by Witchcraft, and acquainted us that his Wife, who also was a Slave, was
imprison'd for Witchcraft.[252] And now instead of one Accuser, they all came
in, who began to tumble down like Swine, and then three Women were called in to
attend them. We in the Room were all at a stand, to see who they would cry out
of; but in a short time they cried out, Cary; and immediately after a Warrant
was sent from the Justices to bring my Wife before them, who were sitting in a
Chamber near by, waiting for this.
Being brought before
the Justices, her chief accusers were two Girls; my Wife declared to the
Justices, that she never had any knowledge of them before that day; she was
forced to stand with her Arms stretched out. I did request that I might hold
one of her hands, but it was denied me; then she desired me to wipe the Tears
from her Eyes, and the Sweat from her Face, which I did; then she desired she
might lean her self on me, saying, she should faint.
Justice Hathorn
replied, she had strength enough to torment those persons, and she should have
strength enough to stand. I speaking something against their cruel proceedings,
they commanded me to be silent, or else I should be turned out of the Room. The
Indian before mentioned, was also brought in, to be one of her Accusers: being
come in, he now (when before the Justices) fell down and tumbled about like a
Hog, but said nothing. The Justices asked the Girls, who afflicted the Indian?
they answered she (meaning my Wife) and now lay upon him; the Justices ordered
her to touch him, in order to his cure, but her head must be turned another
way, least instead of curing, she should make him worse, by her looking on him,
her hand being guided to take hold of his; but the Indian took hold on her
hand, and pulled her down on the Floor, in a barbarous manner; then his hand
was taken off, and her hand put on his, and the cure was quickly wrought. I
being extreamly troubled at their Inhumane dealings, uttered a hasty Speech
(That God would take vengeance on them, and desired that God would deliver us
out of the hands of unmerciful men.) Then her Mittimus was writ. I did with
difficulty and charge obtain the liberty of a Room, but no Beds in it; if there
had, could have taken but little rest that Night. She was committed to Boston
Prison; but I obtained a Habeas Corpus to remove her to Cambridge Prison, which
is in our County of Mid dlesex. Having been there one Night, next Morning the
Jaylor put Irons on her legs (having received such a command) the weight of
them was about eight pounds; these Irons and her other Afflictions, soon
brought her into Convulsion Fits, so that I thought she would have died that
Night. I sent to intreat that the Irons might be taken off, but all intreaties
were in vain, if it would have saved her Life, so that in this condition she
must continue. The Tryals at Salem coming on, I went thither, to see how things
were there managed; and finding that the Spectre-Evidence was there received, together
with Idle, if not malicious Stories, against Peoples Lives, I did easily
perceive which way the rest would go; for the same Evidence that served for
one, would serve for all the rest. I acquainted her with her danger; and that
if she were carried to Salem to be tried, I feared she would never return. I
did my utmost that she might have her Tryal in our own County, I with several
others Petitioning the Judge for it, and were put in hopes of it; but I soon
saw so much, that I understood thereby it was not intended, which put me upon
consulting the means of her escape; which thro the goodness of God was
effected, and she got to Road Island,[253] but soon found her self not safe
when there, by reason of the pursuit after her; from thence she went to New-York,
along with some others that had escaped their cruel hands; where we found his
Excellency Benjamin Fletcher, Esq; Governour, who was very courteous to us.
After this some of my Goods were seized in a Friends hands, with whom I had
left them, and my self imprisoned by the Sheriff, and kept in Custody half a
day, and then dismist; but to speak of their usage of the Prisoners, and their
Inhumanity shewn to them, at the time of their Execution, no sober Christian
could bear; they had also tryals of cruel mockings; which is the more,
considering what a People for Religion, I mean the profession of it, we have
been; those that suffered being many of them Church-Members, and most of them
unspotted in their Conversation, till their Adversary the Devil took up this
Method for accusing them.
Per Nathaniel[254]
Cary.
May 31. Captain John
Aldin[255] was Examined at Salem, and Committed to Boston Prison. The
Prison-Keeper seeing such a Man Committed, of whom he had a good esteem, was
after this the more Compassionate to those that were in Prison on the like
account; and did refrain from such hard things to the Prisoners, as before he
had used. Mr. Aldin himself has given account of his Examination, in these
Words.
John Aldin Senior, of
Boston, in the County of Suffolk, Marriner, on the 28th Day of May, 1692, was
sent for by the Magistrates of Salem, in the County of Essex, upon the
Accusation of a company of poor distracted, or possessed Creatures or Witches;
and being sent by Mr. Stoughton,[256] arrived there the 31st of May, and
appeared at Salem-Village, before Mr. Gidney,[257] Mr. Hathorn, and Mr. Curwin.
Those Wenches being
present, who plaid their jugling tricks, falling down, crying out, and staring
in Peoples Faces; the Magistrates demanded of them several times, who it was of
all the People in the Room that hurt them? one of these Accusers pointed
several times at one Captain Hill, there present, but spake nothing; the same
Accuser had a Man standing at her back to hold her up; he stooped down to her
Ear, then she cried out, Aldin, Aldin afflicted her; one of the Magistrates
asked her if she had ever seen Aldin, she answered no, he asked her how she
knew it was Aldin? She said, the Man told her so.
Then all were ordered
to go down into the Street, where a Ring was made; and the same Accuser cried
out, “there stands Aldin, a bold fellow with his Hat on before the Judges, he
sells Powder and Shot to the Indians and French, and lies with the Indian
Squaes, and has Indian Papooses.” Then was Aldin committed to the Marshal's
Custody, and his Sword taken from him; for they said he afflicted them with his
Sword. After some hours Aldin was sent for to the Meeting-house in the Village
before the Magistrates; who required Aldin to stand upon a Chair, to the open
view of all the People.
The Accusers cried out
that Aldin did pinch them, then, when he stood upon the Chair, in the sight of
all the People, a good way distant from them, one of the Magistrates bid the
Marshal to hold open Aldin's hands, that he might not pinch those Creatures.
Aldin asked them why they should think, that he should come to that Village to
afflict those persons that he never knew or saw before? Mr. Gidney bid Aldin
confess, and give glory to God; Aldin said he hoped he should give glory to
God, and hoped he should never gratifie the Devil; but appealed to all that
ever knew him, if they ever suspected him to be such a person, and challenged
any one, that could bring in any thing upon their own knowledge, that might
give suspicion of his being such an one. Mr. Gidney said he had known Aldin
many Years, and had been at Sea with him, and always look'd upon him to be an
honest Man, but now he did see cause to alter his judgment: Aldin answered, he
was sorry for that, but he hoped God would clear up his Innocency, that he
would recall that judgment again, and added that he hoped that he should with
Job maintain his Integrity till he died. They bid Aldin look upon the Accusers,
which he did, and then they fell down. Aldin asked Mr. Gidney, what Reason
there could be given, why Aldin's looking upon him did not strike him down as
well; but no reason was given that I heard. But the Accusers were brought to
Aldin to touch them, and this touch they said made them well. Aldin began to
speak of the Providence of God in suffering these Creatures to accuse Innocent
persons. Mr. Noyes asked Aldin why he would offer to speak of the Providence of
God. God by his Providence (said Mr. Noyes) governs the World, and keeps it in
peace; and so went on with Discourse, and stopt Aldin's mouth, as to that.
Aldin told Mr. Gidney, that he could assure him that there was a lying Spirit
in them, for I can assure you that there is not a word of truth in all these say
of me. But Aldin was again committed to the Marshal, and his Mittimus written,
which was as follows.
To Mr. John Arnold, Keeper of the Prison in Boston, in the County of
Suffolk. Whereas Captain John
Aldin of Boston, Marriner, and Sarah Rice, Wife of Nicholas Rice of Reding,
Husbandman, have been this day brought before us, John Hathorn and Jonathan
Curwin, Esquires; being accused and suspected of perpetrating divers acts of
Witchcraft, contrary to the form of the Statute, in that Case made and provided:
These are therefore in Their Majesties, King William and Queen Marys Names, to
Will and require you, to take into your Custody, the bodies of the said John
Aldin, and Sarah Rice, and them safely keep, until they shall thence be
delivered by due course of Law; as you will answer the contrary at your peril;
and this shall be your sufficient Warrant. Given under our hands at Salem
Village, the 31st of May, in the Fourth Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord
and Lady, William and Mary, now King and Queen over England, etc., Anno Dom.
1692.
John Hathorn, Assistants. Jonathan Curwin, To Boston Aldin was carried by a Constable, no Bail would be taken
for him; but was delivered to the Prison-keeper, where he remained Fifteen
Weeks,[258] and then observing the manner of Tryals, and Evidence then taken,
was at length prevailed with to make his Escape, and being returned, was bound
over to Answer at the Superior Court at Boston, the last Tuesday in April, Anno
1693. And was there cleared by Proclamation, none appearing against him.
Per John Aldin. At
Examination, and at other times, 'twas usual for the Accusers to tell of the
black Man, or of a Spectre, as being then on the Table, etc. The People about
would strike with Swords, or sticks at those places. One Justice broke his Cane
at this Exercise, and sometimes the Accusers would say, they struck the
Spectre, and it is reported several of the accused were hurt and wounded
thereby, though at home at the same time.
The Justices proceeding
in these works of Examination, and Commitment, to the end of May, there was by
that time about a Hundred persons Imprisoned upon that Account.
June 2. A special
Commission of Oyer and Terminer having been Issued out, to Mr. Stoughton, the
New Lieutenant Governour, Major Saltonstall, Major Richards, Major Gidny, Mr.
Wait Winthrop, Captain Sewall, and Mr. Sergeant;[259] These (a Quorum of them)
sat at Salem this day; where the most that was done this Week, was the Tryal of
one Bishop, alias Oliver, of Salem; who having long undergone the repute of a
Witch, occasioned by the Accusations of one Samuel Gray: he about 20 Years
since, having charged her with such Crimes, and though upon his Death-bed he
testified his sorrow and repentance for such Accustations, as being wholly
groundless; yet the report taken up by his means continued, and she being
accused by those afflicted, and upon search a Tet, as they call it, being
found, she was brought in guilty by the Jury; she received her Sentence of
Death, and was Executed, June 10, but made not the least Confession of any
thing relating to Witchcraft.[260]
June 15. Several
Ministers in and near Boston, having been to that end consulted by his
Excellency,[261] exprest their minds to this effect, viz.
That they were affected
with the deplorable state of the afflicted; That they were thankful for the
diligent care of the Rulers, to detect the abominable Witchcrafts, which have
been committed in the Country, praying for a perfect discovery thereof. But
advised to a cautious proceeding, least many Evils ensue, etc. And that
tenderness be used towards those accused, relating to matters presumptive and
convictive, and also to privacy in Examinations, and to consult Mr. Perkins and
Mr. Bernard,[262] what tests to make use of in the Scrutiny: That Presumptions
and Convictions ought to have better grounds, than the Accusers affirming that
they see such persons Spectres afflicting them: And that the Devil may afflict
in the shape of good Men; and that falling at the sight, and rising at the
touch of the Accused, is no infallible proof of guilt; That seeing the Devils
strength consists in such Accusations, our disbelieving them may be a means to
put a period to the dreadful Calamities; Nevertheless they humbly recommend to
the Government, the speedy and vigorous prosecu tion of such as have rendered
themselves obnoxious, according to the direction given in the Laws of God, and
the wholesome Statutes of the English Nation, for the Detection of Witchcraft.
This is briefly the
substance of what may be seen more at large in Cases of Conscience, (ult.)[263]
And one of them[264] since taking occasion to repeat some part of this advice,
Wonders of the Invisible World, p. 83, declares, (notwithstanding the
Dissatisfaction of others) that if his said Book may conduce to promote
thankfulness to God for such Executions, he shall rejoyce, etc.
The 30th of June, the
Court according to Adjournment again sat; five more were tried, viz. Sarah Good
and Rebecca Nurse, of Salem-Village; Susanna Martin of Amsbury; Elizabeth How
of Ipswich; and Sarah Wildes of Topsfield; these were all condemned that Sessions,
and were all Executed on the 19th of July.[265]
At the Tryal of Sarah
Good, one of the afflicted fell in a Fit, and after coming out of it, she cried
out of the Prisoner, for stabing her in the breast with a Knife, and that she
had broken the Knife in stabbing of her, accordingly a piece of the blade of a
Knife was found about her. Immediately information being given to the Court, a
young Man was called, who produced a Haft and part of the Blade, which the
Court having viewed and compared, saw it to be the same. And upon inquiry the
young Man affirmed, that yesterday he happened to break that Knife, and that he
cast away the upper part, this afflicted person being then present. The young
Man was dismist, and she was bidden by the Court not to tell lyes; and was
improved (after as she had been before) to give Evidence against the Prisoners.
At Execution, Mr. Noyes
urged Sarah Good to Confess, and told her she was a Witch, and she knew she was
a Witch, to which she replied, “you are a lyer; I am no more a Witch than you
are a Wizard, and if you take away my Life, God will give you Blood to drink.”
At the Tryal of Rebecka
Nurse, this was remarkable that the Jury brought in their Verdict not Guilty,
immediately all the accusers in the Court, and suddenly after all the afflicted
out of Court, made an hideous out-cry, to the amazement, not only of the
Spectators, but the Court also seemed strangely surprized; one of the Judges
exprest himself not satisfied, another of them as he was going off the Bench, said
they would have her Indicted anew. The chief Judge said he would not Impose
upon the Jury; but intimated, as if they had not well considered one Expression
of the Prisoners, when she was upon Tryal, viz. That when one Hobbs, who had
confessed her self to be a Witch, was brought into the Court to witness against
her, the Prisoner turning her head to her, said, “What, do you bring her? she
is one of us,” or to that effect; this together with the Clamours of the
Accusers, induced the Jury to go out again, after their Verdict, not Guilty.
But not agreeing, they came into the Court, and she being then at the Bar, her
words were repeated to her, in order to have had her explanation of them, and
she making no Reply to them, they found the Bill, and brought her in Guilty;
these words being the Inducement to it, as the Foreman has signified in
writing, as follows.
I Thomas Fisk, the
Subscriber hereof, being one of them that were of the Jury the last week at
Salem-Court, upon the Tryal of Rebecka Nurse, etc., being desired by some of
the Relations to give a Reason why the Jury brought her in Guilty, after her
Verdict not Guilty; I do hereby give my Reasons to be as follows, viz.
When the Verdict not
Guilty was, the honoured Court was pleased to object against it, saying to
them, that they think they let slip the words, which the Prisoner at the Bar
spake against her self, which were spoken in reply to Goodwife Hobbs and her
Daughter, who had been faulty in setting their hands to the Devils Book, as
they have confessed formerly; the words were “What, do these persons give in
Evidence against me now, they used to come among us.” After the honoured Court
had manifested their dissatisfaction of the Verdict, several of the Jury
declared themselves desirous to go out again, and thereupon the honoured Court
gave leave; but when we came to consider of the Case, I could not tell how to
take her words, as an Evidence against her, till she had a further opportunity
to put her Sense upon them, if she would take it; and then going into Court, I
mentioned the words aforesaid, which by one of the Court were affirmed to have
been spoken by her, she being then at the Bar, but made no reply, nor
interpretation of them; whereupon these words were to me a principal Evidence
against her.
Thomas Fisk. When Goodwife Nurse
was informed what use was made of these words, she put in this following
Declaration into the Court.
These presents do
humbly shew, to the honoured Court and Jury, that I being informed, that the
Jury brought me in Guilty, upon my saying that Goodwife Hobbs and her Daughter
were of our Company; but I intended no otherways, then as[266] they were
Prisoners with us, and therefore did then, and yet do judge them not legal
Evidence against their fellow Prisoners. And I being something hard of hearing,
and full of grief, none informing me how the Court took up my words, and therefore
had not opportunity to declare what I intended, when I said they were of our
Company.
Rebecka Nurse. After her
Condemnation she was by one of the Ministers of Salem excommunicated;[267] yet
the Governour saw cause to grant a Reprieve, which when known (and some say
immediately upon granting) the Accusers renewed their dismal out-cries against
her, insomuch that the Governour was by some Salem Gentleman prevailed with to
recall the Reprieve, and she was Executed with the rest.
The Testimonials of her
Christian behaviour, both in the course of her Life, and at her Death, and her
extraordinary care in educating her Children, and setting them good Examples,
etc., under the hands of so many, are so numerous, that for brevity they are
here omitted.[268]
It was at the Tryal of
these that one of the Accusers cried out publickly of Mr. Willard Minister in
Boston,[269] as afflicting of her; she was sent out of the Court, and it was
told about she was mistaken in the person.
August 5. The Court
again sitting, six more were tried on the same Account, viz. Mr. George
Burroughs, sometime minister of Wells, John Procter, and Elizabeth Procter his
Wife, with John Willard of Salem-Village, George Jacobs Senior, of Salem, and
Martha Carryer of Andover;[270] these were all brought in Guilty and Condemned;
and were all Executed Aug. 19, except Procter's Wife, who pleaded
Pregnancy.[271]
Mr. Burroughs was
carried in a Cart with the others, through the streets of Salem to Execution;
when he was upon the Ladder, he made a Speech for the clearing of his
Innocency, with such Solemn and Serious Expressions, as were to the Admiration
of all present; his Prayer (which he concluded by repeating the Lord's Prayer,)
was so well worded, and uttered with such composedness, and such (at least
seeming) fervency of Spirit, as was very affecting, and drew Tears from many
(so that it seemed to some, that the Spectators would hinder the Execution).
The accusers said the black Man stood and dictated to him; as soon as he was
turned off, Mr. Cotton Mather, being mounted upon a Horse, addressed himself to
the People, partly to declare, that he was no ordained Minister, and partly to
possess the People of his guilt; saying, That the Devil has often been
transformed into an Angel of Light; and this did somewhat appease the People,
and the Executions went on; when he was cut down, he was dragged by the Halter
to a Hole, or Grave, between the Rocks, about two foot deep, his Shirt and
Breeches being pulled off, and an old pair of Trousers of one Executed, put on
his lower parts, he was so put in, together with Willard and Carryer, one of
his Hands and his Chin, and a Foot of one [of] them being left uncovered.[272]
John Willard had been
imployed to fetch in several that were accused; but taking dissatisfaction from
his being sent, to fetch up some that he had better thoughts of, he declined
the Service, and presently after he himself was accused of the same Crime, and
that with such vehemency, that they sent after him to apprehend him; he had
made his Escape as far as Nashawag,[273] about 40 Miles from Salem; yet'tis
said those Accusers did then presently tell the exact time, saying, now Willard
is taken.
John Procter and his
Wife being in Prison, the Sheriff came to his House and seized all the Goods,
Provisions, and Cattle that he could come at, and sold some of the Cattle at
half price, and killed others, and put them up for the West-Indies; threw out
the Beer out of a Barrel, and carried away the Barrel; emptied a Pot of Broath,
and took away the Pot, and left nothing in the House for the support of the
Children: No part of the said Goods are known to be returned. Procter earnestly
requested Mr. Noyes to pray with and for him, but it was wholly denied, because
he would not own himself to be a Witch.
During his Imprisonment
he sent the following Letter, in behalf of himself and others.
Salem-Prison, July 23, 1692. Mr. Mather, Mr. Allen, Mr. Moody, Mr.
Willard, and Mr. Bailey[274] Reverend Gentlemen. The innocency of our Case with the Enmity of our Accusers
and our Judges, and Jury, whom nothing but our Innocent Blood will serve their
turn, having Condemned us already before our Tryals, being so much incensed and
engaged against us by the Devil, makes us bold to Beg and Implore your Favourable
Assistance of this our Humble Petition to his Excellency, That if it be
possible our Innocent Blood may be spared, which undoubtedly otherwise will be
shed, if the Lord doth not mercifully step in. The Magistrates, Ministers,
Jewries,[275] and all the People in general, being so much inraged and incensed
against us by the Delusion of the Devil, which we can term no other, by reason
we know in our own Consciences, we are all Innocent Persons. Here are five
Persons who have lately confessed themselves to be Witches, and do accuse some
of us, of being along with them at a Sacrament, since we were committed into
close Prison, which we know to be Lies. Two of the 5 are (Carriers Sons[276])
Young-men, who would not confess any thing till they tyed them Neck and Heels[277]
till the Blood was ready to come out of their Noses, and 'tis credibly believed
and reported this was the occasion of making them confess that[278] they never
did, by reason they said one had been a Witch a Month, and another five Weeks,
and that their Mother had made them so, who has been confined here this nine
Weeks. My son William Procter, when he was examin'd, because he would not
confess that he was Guilty, when he was Innocent, they tyed him Neck and Heels
till the Blood gushed out at his Nose, and would have kept him so 24 Hours, if
one more Merciful than the rest, had not taken pity on him, and caused him to
be unbound. These actions are very like the Popish Cruelties. They have already
undone us in our Estates, and that will not serve their turns, without our
Innocent Bloods. If it cannot be granted that we can have our Trials at Boston,
we humbly beg that you would endeavour to have these Magistrates changed, and
others in their rooms, begging also and beseeching you would be pleased to be
here, if not all, some of you at our Trials, hoping thereby you may be the
means of saving the shedding our Innocent Bloods, desiring your Prayers to the
Lord in our behalf, we rest your Poor Afflicted Servants,
John Procter, etc. He
pleaded very hard at Execution, for a little respite of time, saying that he
was not fit to Die; but it was not granted.
Old Jacobs being
Condemned, the Sheriff and Officers came and seized all he had, his Wife had
her Wedding Ring taken from her, but with great difficulty obtained it again.
She was forced to buy Provisions of the Sheriff, such as he had taken, towards
her own support, which not being sufficient, the Neighbours of Charity relieved
her.[279]
Margaret Jacobs being
one that had confessed her own Guilt, and testified against her Grand-Father
Jacobs, Mr. Burroughs, and John Willard, She the day before Executions, came to
Mr. Burroughs, acknowledging that she had belyed them,[280] and begged Mr.
Burroughs Forgiveness, who not only forgave her, but also Prayed with and for
her. She wrote the following Letter to her Father.
From the Dungeon, in Salem-Prison, August 20, 92. Honoured Father, After my Humble Duty Remembred to
you, hoping in the Lord of your good Health, as Blessed be God I enjoy, tho in
abundance of Affliction, being close confined here in a loathsome Dungeon, the
Lord look down in mercy upon me, not knowing how soon I shall be put to Death,
by means of the Afflicted Persons; my Grand-Father having Suffered already, and
all his Estate Seized for the King. The reason of my Confinement is this, I
having, through the Magistrates Threatnings, and my own Vile and Wretched
Heart, confessed several things contrary to my Conscience and Knowledg, tho to
the Wounding of my own Soul, the Lord pardon me for it; but Oh! the terrors of
a wounded Conscience who can bear. But blessed be the Lord, he would not let me
go on in my Sins, but in mercy I hope so my Soul would not suffer me to keep it
in any longer, but I was forced to confess the truth of all before the
Magistrates, who would not believe me, but tis their pleasure to put me in
here, and God knows how soon I shall be put to death. Dear Father, let me beg
your Prayers to the Lord on my behalf, and send us a Joyful and Happy meeting
in Heaven. My Mother poor Woman is very Crazey, and remembers her kind Love to
you, and to Uncle, viz. D. A.[281] So leaving you to the protection of the Lord,
I rest your Dutiful Daughter,
Margaret Jacobs. At the time
appointed for her Tryal, she had an Imposthume in her head, which was her
Escape.[282]
September 9. Six more
were tried, and received Sentance of Death, viz. Martha Cory of Salem-Village,
Mary Easty of Topsfield, Alice Parker and Ann Pudeater of Salem, Dorcas Hoar of
Beverly, and Mary Bradberry of Salisbury.[283] September 16, Giles Cory was
prest to Death.
September 17. Nine more
received Sentance of Death, viz. Margaret Scot of Rowly, Goodwife Redd of
Marblehead, Samuel Wardwell, and Mary Parker of Andover, also Abigail Falkner
of Andover, who pleaded Pregnancy, Rebecka Eames of Boxford, Mary Lacy, and Ann
Foster of Andover, and Abigail Hobbs of Topsfield.[284] Of these Eight were
Executed, September 22, viz. Martha Cory, Mary Easty, Alice Parker, Ann
Pudeater, Margaret Scot, Willmet Redd, Samuel Wardwell, and Mary Parker.
Giles Cory pleaded not
Guilty to his Indictment, but would not put himself upon Tryal by the Jury
(they having cleared none upon Tryal) and knowing there would be the same
Witnesses against him, rather chose to undergo what Death they would put him
to. In pressing his Tongue being prest out of his Mouth, the Sheriff with his
Cane forced it in again, when he was dying. He was the first in New-England,
that was ever prest to Death.[285]
The Cart going up the
Hill with these Eight to Execution, was for some time at a sett; the afflicted
and others said, that the Devil hindred it, etc.
Martha Cory, Wife to
Giles Cory, protesting her Innocency, concluded her Life with an Eminent Prayer
upon the Ladder.
Wardwell having
formerly confessed himself Guilty, and after denied it, was soon brought upon
his Tryal; his former Confession and Spectre Testimony was all that appeared
against him. At Execution while he was speaking to the People, protesting his
Innocency, the Executioner being at the same time smoaking Tobacco, the smoak
coming in his Face, interrupted his Discourse, those Accusers said, the Devil
hindred him with smoak.
Mary Easty, Sister also
to Rebecka Nurse, when she took her last farewell of her Husband, Children and
Friends, was, as is reported by them present, as Serious, Religious, Distinct,
and Affectionate as could well be exprest, drawing Tears from the Eyes of almost
all present. It seems besides the Testimony of the Accusers and Confessors,
another proof, as it was counted, appeared against her, it having been usual to
search the Accused for Tets; upon some parts of her Body, not here to be named,
was found an Excrescence, which they called a Tet. Before her Death she put up
the following Petition:
To the Honorable Judge
and Bench now sitting in Judicature in Salem and the Reverend Ministers, humbly
sheweth, That whereas your humble poor Petitioner being Condemned to die, doth
humbly beg of you, to take it into your Judicious and Pious Consideration, that
your poor and humble Petitioner knowing my own Innocency (blessed be the Lord
for it) and seeing plainly the Wiles and Subtilty of my Accusers, by my self,
cannot but judge charitably of others, that are going the same way with my
self, if the Lord step not mightily in. I was confined a whole Month on the
same account that I am now condemned for, and then cleared by the Afflicted
persons, as some of your Honours know, and in two days time I was cried out
upon by them, and have been confined, and now am condemned to die. The Lord
above knows my Innocency then, and likewise doth now, as at the great day will
be known to Men and Angels. I Petition to your Honours not for my own Life, for
I know I must die, and my appointed time is set; but the Lord he knows it is,
if it be possible, that no more Innocent Blood be shed, which undoubtedly
cannot be avoided in the way and course you go in. I question not, but your
Honours do to the utmost of your powers, in the discovery and detecting of
Witchcraft and Witches, and would not be guilty of Innocent Blood for the
World; but by my own Innocency I know you are in the wrong way. The Lord in his
infinite Mercy direct you in this great work, if it be his blessed will, that
Innocent Blood be not shed; I would humbly beg of you, that your Honours would
be pleased to Examine some of those confessing Witches, I being confident there
are several of them have belyed themselves and others, as will appear, if not
in this World, I am sure in the World to come, whither I am going; and I
question not, but your selves will see an alteration in these things: They say,
my self and others have made a league with the Devil, we cannot confess. I know
and the Lord he knows (as will shortly appear) they belye me, and so I question
not but they do others; the Lord alone, who is the searcher of all hearts,
knows that as I shall answer it at the Tribunal Seat, that I know not the least
thing of Witchcraft, therefore I cannot, I durst not belye my own Soul. I beg
your Honours not to deny this my humble Petition, from a poor dying Innocent
person, and I question not but the Lord will give a blessing to your
Endeavours.
Mary Esty. After Execution Mr.
Noyes turning him to the Bodies, said, what a sad thing it is to see Eight
Firebrands of Hell hanging there.
In October 1692, One of
Wenham[286] complained of Mrs. Hale, whose Husband, the Minister of Beverly,
had been very forward in these Prosecutions, but being fully satisfied of his
Wives sincere Christianity, caused him to alter his Judgment; for it was come
to a stated Controversie, among the New-England Divines, whether the Devil
could Afflict in a good Man's shape; it seems nothing else could convince him:
yet when it came so near to himself, he was soon convinc'd that the Devil might
so Afflict.[287] Which same reason did after wards prevail with many others;
and much influenced to the succeeding change at Tryals.[288]
October 7. (Edward
Bishop and his Wife having made their Escape out of Prison) this day Mr. Corwin
the Sheriff, came and Seiz'd his Goods, and Cattle, and had it not been for his
second Son (who borrowed Ten Pound and gave it him) they had been wholly lost,
the Receipt follows; but it seems they must be content with such a Receipt as
he would give them.
Received this 7th day
of October 1692, of Samuel Bishop of the Town of Salem, of the County of Essex,
in New-England, Cordwainer, in full satisfaction, a valuable Summ of Money, for
the Goods and Chattels of Edward Bishop, Senior, of the Town and County
aforesaid, Husbandman; which Goods and Chattels being seized, for that the said
Edward Bishop, and Sarah his Wife, having been committed for Witchcraft and
Felony, have made their Escape; and their Goods and Chattles were forfeited
unto their Majesties, and now being in Possession of the said Samuel Bishop;
and in behalf of Their Majesties, I do hereby discharge the said Goods and
Chattles, the day and year above written, as witness my hand,
George Corwin, Sheriff. But
before this the said Bishops Eldest Son, having Married into that Family of the
Putmans,[289] who were chief Prosecutors in this business; he holding a Cow to
be branded lest it should be seiz'd, and having a Push or Boyl upon his Thigh,
with his straining it broke; this is that that was pretended to be burnt with
the said Brand; and is one of the bones thrown to the Dogmatical to pick, in
Wonders of the Invisible World, P. 143.[290] the other, of a Corner of a Sheet,
pretended to be taken from a Spectre, it is known that it was provided the day
before, by that Afflicted person, and the third bone of a Spindle is almost as
easily provided, as the piece of the Knife; so that Apollo needs not herein be
consulted,[291] etc.
Mr. Philip English and
his Wife having made their Escape out of Prison, Mr. Corwin the Sheriff seiz'd
his Estate, to the value of about Fifteen Hundred Pound, which was wholly lost
to him, except about Three Hundred Pound value, (which was afterward
restored.)[292]
After Goodwife Hoar was
Condemned, her Estate was seiz'd, and was also bought again for Eight Pound.
George Jacobs, Son to
old Jacobs,[293] being accused, he fled, then the Officers came to his House,
his Wife was a Woman Crazy in her Senses and had been so several Years. She it
seems had been also accused; there were in the House with her only four small
Children, and one of them suck'd, her Eldest Daughter[294] being in Prison; the
Officer perswaded her out of the House, to go along with him, telling her she
should speedily return, the Children ran a great way after her crying.
When she came where the
Afflicted were, being asked, they said they did not know her, at length one
said, don't you know Jacobs the old Witch, and then they cry'd out of her, and
fell down in their Fits; she was sent to Prison, and lay there Ten Months, the
Neighbours of pitty took care of the Children to preserve them from perishing.
About this time a New
Scene was begun, one Joseph Ballard of Andover, whose Wife was ill (and after
died of a Fever) sent to Salem for some of those Accusers, to tell him who
afflicted his Wife; others did the like: Horse and Man were sent from several
places to fetch those Accusers who had the Spectral sight, that they might
thereby tell who afflicted those that were any ways ill.
When these came into
any place where such were, usually they fell into a Fit; after which being
asked who it was that afflicted the person, they would, for the most part, name
one whom they said sat on the head, and another that sat on the lower parts of
the afflicted. Soon after Ballard's sending (as above) more than Fifty of the
People of Andover were complained of, for afflicting their Neighbours. Here it
was that many accused themselves, of Riding upon Poles through the Air; Many
Parents believing their Children to be Witches, and many Husbands their Wives,
etc. When these Accusers came to the House of any upon such account, it was
ordinary for other young People to be taken in Fits, and to have the same
Spectral sight.
Mr. Dudley
Bradstreet,[295] a Justice of Peace in Andover, having granted out Warrants
against, and Committed Thirty or Forty to Prisons, for the supposed
Witchcrafts, at length saw cause to forbear granting out any more Warrants.
Soon after which he and his Wife were cried out of, himself was (by them) said
to have killed Nine persons by Witchcraft, and found it his safest course to
make his Escape.
A Dog being afflicted
at Salem-Village, those that had the Spectral sight being sent for, they
accused Mr. John Bradstreet (Brother to the Justice) that he afflicted the said
Dog, and now rid upon him: He made his Escape into Pescattequa-Government,[296]
and the Dog was put to death, and was all of the Afflicted that suffered death.
At Andover, the
Afflicted complained of a Dog, as afflicting of them, and would fall into their
Fits at the Dogs looking upon them; the Dog was put to death.
A worthy Gentleman of
Boston, being about this time accused by those at Andover, he sent by some
particular Friends a Writ to Arrest those Accusers in a Thousand Pound Action
for Defamation, with instructions to them, to inform themselves of the certainty
of the proof, in doing which their business was perceived, and from thence
forward the Accusations at Andover generally ceased.[297]
In October some of
these Accusers were sent for to Glocester, and occasioned four Women to be sent
to Prison, but Salem Prison being so full it could receive no more, two were
sent to Ipswich Prison. In November they were sent for again by Lieutenant
Stephens, who was told that a Sister of his was bewitched; in their way passing
over Ipswich-bridge, they met with an old Woman, and instantly fell into their
Fits: But by this time the validity of such Accusations being much questioned,
they found not that Encouragement they had done elsewhere, and soon withdrew.
These Accusers swore
that they saw three persons sitting upon Lieutenant Stephens's Sister till she
died; yet Bond was accepted for those Three.
And now Nineteen
persons having been hang'd, and one prest to death, and Eight more condemned,
in all Twenty and Eight, of which above a third part were Members of some of
the Churches in N. England, and more than half of them of a good Conversation
in general, and not one clear'd; About Fifty having confest themselves to be
Witches, of which not one Executed; above an Hundred and Fifty in Prison, and
above Two Hundred more accused; The Special Commission of Oyer and Terminer
comes to a period,[298] which has no other foundation than the Governours
Commission,[299] and had proceeded in the manner of swearing Witnesses, viz. By
holding up the hand, (and by receiving Evidences in writing) according to the
Ancient Usage of this Countrey; as also having their Indictments in English. In
the Tryals, when any were Indicted for Afflicting, Pining, and wasting the
Bodies of particular persons by Witchcraft; it was usual to hear Evidence of
matter foreign, and of perhaps Twenty or Thirty years standing, about
over-setting Carts, the death of Cattle, un kindness to Relations, or
unexpected Accidents befalling after some quarrel. Whether this was admitted by
the Law of England, or by what other Law, wants to be determined; the
Executions seemed mixt, in pressing to death for not pleading, which most
agrees with the Laws of England, and Sentencing Women to be hanged for
Witchcraft, according to the former practice of this Country, and not by burning,
as is said to have been the Law of England.[300] And though the confessing
Witches were many; yet not one of them that confessed their own guilt, and
abode by their Confession were put to Death.[301]
Here followeth what
account some of those miserable Creatures give of their Confession under their
own hands.
We whose Names are
under written, Inhabitants of Andover, when as that horrible and tremendous
Judgment beginning at Salem-Village, in the Year 1692, (by some) call'd
Witchcraft, first breaking forth at Mr. Parris's House, several Young persons
being seemingly afflicted, did accuse several persons for afflicting them, and
many there believing it so to be; we being informed that if a person were sick,
that the afflicted persons could tell, what or who was the cause of that
sickness. Joseph Ballard of Andover (his Wife being sick at the same time) he
either from himself, or by the advice of others, fetch'd two of the persons
call'd the afflicted persons, from Salem-Village to Andover. Which was the
beginning of that dreadful Calamity that befel us in Andover. And the Authority
in Andover, believing the said Accusations to be true, sent for the said
persons to come together, to the Meeting-house in Andover (the afflicted
persons being there.) After Mr. Bernard[302] had been at Prayer, we were
blindfolded, and our hands were laid upon the afflicted persons, they being in
their Fits, and falling into their Fits at our coming into their presence (as
they said) and some led us and laid our hands upon them, and then they said
they were well, and that we were guilty of afflicting of them; whereupon we
were all seized as Prisoners, by a Warrant from the Justice of the Peace, and
forthwith carried to Salem. And by reason of that suddain surprizal, we knowing
our selves altogether Innocent of that Crime, we were all exceedingly
astonished and amazed, and consternated and affrighted even out of our Reason;
and our nearest and dearest Relations, seeing us in that dreadful condition,
and knowing our great danger, apprehending that there was no other way to save
our lives, as the case was then circumstantiated, but by our confessing our
selves to be such and such persons, as the afflicted represented us to be, they
out of tender love and pitty perswaded us to confess what we did confess. And
indeed that Confession, that is said we made, was no other than what was
suggested to us by some Gentlemen; they telling us, that we were Witches, and
they knew it, and we knew it, and they knew that we knew it, which made us think
that it was so; and our understanding, our reason, and our faculties almost
gone, we were not capable of judging our condition; as also the hard measures
they used with us, rendred us uncapable of making our Defence; but said any
thing and every thing which they desired, and most of what we said, was but in
effect a consenting to what they said. Sometime after when we were better
composed, they telling of us what we had confessed, we did profess that we were
Innocent, and Ignorant of such things. And we hearing that Samuel Wardwell had
renounced his Confession, and quickly after Condemned and Executed, some of us
were told that we were going after Wardwell.
Mary Osgood, Mary Tiler, Deliv. Dane, Abigail Barker, Sarah Wilson,
Hannah Tiler.[303] It may here be
further added concerning those that did Confess, that besides that powerful
Argument, of Life (and freedom from hardships and Irons not only promised, but
also performed to all that owned their guilt), There are numerous Instances,
too many to be here inserted, of the tedious Examinations before private
persons, many hours together; they all that time urging them to Confess (and
taking turns to perswade them) till the accused were wearied out by being
forced to stand so long, or for want of Sleep, etc. and so brought to give an
Assent to what they said; they then asking them , Were you at such a
Witch-meeting, or have you signed the Devil's Book, etc. upon their replying,
yes, the whole was drawn into form as their Confession.
But that which did
mightily further such Confessions, was their nearest and dearest Relations
urging them to it. These seeing no other way of escape for them, thought it the
best advice that could be given; hence it was that the Husbands of some, by
counsel often urging, and utmost earnestness, and Children upon their Knees
intreating, have at length prevailed with them, to say they were guilty.[304]
As to the manner of
Tryals, and the Evidence taken for Convictions at Salem, it is already set
forth in Print, by the Reverend Mr. Cotton Mather, in his Wonders of the
Invisible World , at the Command of his Excellency, Sir William Phips; with not
only the Recommendation, but thanks of the Lieutenant Governour;[305] and with
the Approbation of the Reverend Mr. J. M.[306] in his Postscript to his Cases
of Conscience; which last Book was set forth by the consent of the Ministers in
and near Boston.[307]
Two of the Judges have
also given their Sentiments in these words, p. 147.
The Reverend and worthy
Author, having at the direction of his Excellency the Governour, so far obliged
the Publick, as to give some account of the sufferings, brought upon the
Countrey by Witchcrafts, and of the Tryals which have passed upon several
executed for the same.
Upon perusal thereof,
We find the matters of Fact and Evidence truly reported, and a prospect given
of the Methods of Conviction, used in the proceedings of the Court at Salem.
Boston, October 11, 1692. William Stoughton, Samuel Sewall. And considering that this may fall into
the hands of such as never saw those Wonders, it may be needful to transcribe
the whole account he has given thereof, without any variation (but with one of
the Indictments annext to the Tryal of each).[308]
Thus far the Account
given in Wonders of the Invisible World; in which setting aside such words as
these, in the Tryal of G. B. viz., “They (i. e. the Witnesses) were enough to
fix the character of a Witch upon him.”[309]
In the Tryal of Bishop,
these words, “but there was no need of them,” i. e. of further Testimony.[310]
In the Tryal of How,
where it is said, “and there came in Testimony of preternatural Mischiefs,
presently befalling some that had been instrumental to debar her from the
Communion, whereupon she was intruding.”[311] Martin is call'd “one of the most
impudent, scurrilous, wicked Creatures in the World.” In his Account of Martha
Carryer, he is pleased to call her “a Rampant Hag,”[312] etc.
These Expressions, as
they manifest that he wrote more like an Advocate than an Historian,[313] so
also that those that were his Imployers[314] were not mistaken in their choice
of him for that work, however he may have mist it in other things.
As in his owning (in
the Tryal of G. B.) That the Testimony of the bewitched and confessors was not
enough against the Accused, for it is known that not only in New-England, such
Evidence has been taken for sufficient, but also in England, as himself there
owns, and will also hold true of Scotland, etc., they having proceeded upon
such Evidence, to the taking away of the Lives of many, to assert that this is
not enough is to tell the World that such Executions were but so many Bloody
Murders; which surely was not his intent to say.
His telling that the
Court began to think that Burroughs stept aside to put on invisibility, is a
rendring them so mean Philosophers, and such weak Christians, as to be fit to
be imposed upon by any silly pretender.
His calling the
Evidence against How trivial, and others against Burroughs, he accounts no part
of his Conviction; and that of lifting a Gun with one Finger, its being not
made use of as Evidence, renders the whole but the more perplext. (Not to
mention the many mistakes therein contain'd.)[315]
Yet all this (and more
that might have been hinted at) does not hinder, but that his Account of the
manner of Trials of those for Witchcraft is as faithfully related as any Tryals
of that kind, that was ever yet made publick;[316] and it may also be
reasonably thought that there was as careful a Scrutiny, and as unquestion'd
Evidences improved, as had been formerly used in the Tryals of others, for such
crimes in other places. Tho indeed a second part might be very useful, to set
forth which was the Evidence Convictive in these Tryals, for it is not
supposed, that Romantick or Ridiculous stories should have any influence, such
as biting a Spectres Finger, so that the Blood flowed out, or such as
Shattock's Story of 12 Years standing, which yet was presently 18 Years or
more, and yet a Man of that excellent Memory, as to be able to recall a small difference
his Wife had with another Woman, when Eighteen Years were past.[317]
As it is not to be
supposed that such as these could Influence any Judge or Jury, so not
unkindness to relations, or God's having given to one Man more strength than to
some others, the over-setting of Carts, or the death of Cattle, nor yet
Excrescencies (call'd Tets) nor little bits of Rags tied together (call'd
Poppets.) Much less any persons illness, or having their Cloaths rent when a
Spectre has been well banged, much less the burning the Mares Fart, mentioned
in the Tryal of How.[318]
None of these being in
the least capable of proving the Indictment; The supposed Criminals were
Indicted for Afflicting, etc., such and such particular persons by Witchcraft,
to which none of these Evidences have one word to say, and the Afflicted and
Confessors being declared not enough, the matter needs yet further
explaining.[319]
But to proceed, the
General Court having sat and enacted Laws, particularly one against Witchcraft,
assigning the Penalty of Death to any that shall feed, reward or employ, etc.,
Evil Spirits, though it has not yet been explained what is intended thereby, or
what it is to feed, reward or imploy Devils, etc., yet some of the Legislators
have given this instead of an Explanation, that they had therein but Copied the
Law of another Country.[320]
January 3. By vertue of
an Act of the General Court, the first Superior Court was held at Salem, for
the County of Essex, the Judges appointed were Mr. William Stoughton (the
Lieutenant Governour) Thomas Danforth, John Richards, Wait Winthorp,[321] and Samuel
Sewall, Esquires, Where Ignoramus[322] was found upon the several Bills of
Indictment against Thirty, and Billa Vera[323] against Twenty six more; of all
these Three only were found Guilty by the Jewry upon Trial, two of which were
(as appears by their Behaviour) the most senseless and Ignorant Creatures that
could be found;[324] besides which it does not appear what came in against
those more than against the rest that were acquitted.[325]
The Third was the Wife
of Wardwell, who was one of the Twenty Executed, and it seems they had both
confessed themselves Guilty; but he retracting his said Confession, was tried
and Executed;[326] it is supposed that this Woman fearing her Husbands fate,
was not so stiff in her denyals of her former Confession, such as it was. These
Three received Sentence of Death.
At these Tryals some of
the Jewry made Inquiry of the Court, what Account they ought to make of the
Spectre Evidence? and received for Answer “as much as of Chips in Wort.”[327]
January 31, 169 2/3.
The Superior Court began at Charles-town, for the County of Middlesex, Mr.
Stoughton, Mr. Danforth, Mr. Winthorp, and Mr. Sewall Judges, where several had
Ignoramus returned upon their Bills of Indictment, and Billa Vera upon others.
In the time the Court
sat, word was brought in, that a Reprieve was sent to Salem,[328] and had
prevented the Execution of Seven of those that were there Condemned, which so
moved the chief Judge,[329] that he said to this effect, “We were in a way to
have cleared the Land of these, etc., who it is obstructs the course of Justice
I know not; the Lord be merciful to the Countrey,” and so went off the Bench,
and came no more that Court: The most remarkable of the Tryals, was of Sarah
Daston, she was a Woman of about 70 or 80 Years of Age. To usher in her Tryal,
a report went before, that if there were a Witch in the World she was one, as
having been so accounted of, for 20 or 30 Years; which drew many People from
Boston, etc., to hear her Tryal. There were a multitude of Witnesses produced
against her; but what Testimony they gave in seemed wholly forreign, as of
accidents, illness, etc., befalling them, or theirs after some Quarrel; what
these testified was much of it of Actions said to be done 20 Years before that
time. The Spectre-Evidence was not made use of in these Tryals, so that the
Jewry soon brought her in not Guilty; her Daughter and Grand-daughter, and the
rest that were then tried, were also acquitted. After she was cleared Judge
Danforth Admonished her in these words, “Woman, Woman, repent, there are shrewd
things come in against you”; she was remanded to Prison for her Fees, and there
in a short time expired. One of Boston that had been at the Tryal of Daston,
being the same Evening in company with one of the Judges in a publick place,
acquainted him that some that had been both at the Tryals at Salem and at this
at Charlestown, had asserted that there was more Evidence against the said
Daston than against any at Salem, to which the said Judge conceeded, saying,
That it was so. It was replied by that person, that he dare give it under his
hand, that there was not enough come in against her to bear a just
reproof.[330]
April 25, 1693. The
first Superiour Court was held at Boston, for the County of Suffolk, the Judges
were the Lieutenant Governour, Mr. Danforth, Mr. Richards and Mr. Sewall,
Esquires.
Where (besides the
acquitting Mr. John Aldin by Proclamation) the most remarkable was, what
related to Mary Watkins, who had been a Servant, and lived about Seven Miles
from Boston, having formerly Accused her Mistress of Witch craft, and was
supposed to be distracted, she was threatned if she persisted in such
Accusations to be punished; this with the necessary care to recover her Health,
had that good effect, that she not only had her Health restored, but also
wholly acquitted her Mistress of any such Crimes, and continued in Health till
the return of the Year, and then again falling into Melancholly humours she was
found strangling her self; her Life being hereby prolonged, she immediately
accused her self of being a Witch; was carried before a Magistrate and
committed. At this Court a Bill of Indictment was brought to the Grand Jury
against her, and her confession upon her Examination given in as Evidence, but
these not wholly satisfied herewith, sent for her, who gave such account of her
self, that they (after they had returned into the Court to ask some Questions)
Twelve of them agreed to find Ignoramus, but the Court was pleased to send them
out again, who again at coming in returned it as before.
She was continued for
some time in Prison, etc., and at length was sold to Virginia.[331] About this
time the Prisoners in all the Prisons were released.[332]
To omit here the
mentioning of several Wenches in Boston, etc., who pretended to be Afflicted,
and accused several, the Ministers often visiting them, and praying with them,
concerning whose Affliction Narratives are in being in Manuscript.[333] Not
only these, but the generality of those Accusers may have since convinc'd the Ministers
by their vicious courses that they might err in extending too much Charity to
them.
The conclusion of the
whole in the Massachusetts Colony was, Sir William Phips, Governour, being
call'd home, before he went he pardon'd such as had been condemned, for which
they gave about 30 Shillings each to the Kings Attorney.[334]
In August 1697. The
Superiour Court sat at Hartford, in the Colony of Connecticut, where one
Mistress Benom was tried for Witchcraft, she had been accused by some Children
that pretended to the Spectral sight; they searched her several times for Tets;
they tried the Experiment of casting her into the Water,[335] and after this
she was Excommunicated by the Minister of Wallinsford.[336] Upon her Tryal
nothing material appearing against her, save Spectre Evidence, she was
acquitted, as also her Daughter, a Girl of Twelve or Thirteen Years old, who
had been likewise Accused; but upon renewed Complaints against them, they both
fled into New-York Government.[337]
Before this the
Government Issued forth the following Proclamation.[338]
Whereas the Anger of
God is not yet turned away, but his Hand is still stretched out against his
People in manifold Judgments, particularly in drawing out to such a length the
troubles of Europe, by a perplexing War; and more especially, respecting
ourselves in this Province, in that God is pleased still to go on in
diminishing our Substance, cutting short our Harvest, blasting our most
promising undertakings more ways than one, unsetling of us,[339] and by his
more Immediate hand, snatching away many out of our Embraces, by sudden and
violent Deaths, even at this time when the Sword is devouring so many both at
home and abroad, and that after many days of publick and Solemn addressing of
him, And altho considering the many Sins prevailing in the midst of us, we
cannot but wonder at the Patience and Mercy moderating these Rebukes; yet we
cannot but also fear that there is something still wanting to accompany our
Supplications. And doubtless there are some particular Sins, which God is Angry
with our Israel for, that have not been duly seen and resented by us, about which
God expects to be sought, if ever he turn again our Captivity.
Wherefore it is
Commanded and Appointed, that Thursday the Fourteenth of January next be
observed as a Day of Prayer, with Fasting throughout this Province, strictly
forbidding all Servile labour thereon; that so all Gods People may offer up
fervent Supplications unto him, for the Preservation, and Prosperity of his
Majesty's Royal Person and Government, and Success to attend his Affairs both
at home and abroad; that all iniquity may be put away which hath stirred God's
Holy jealousie against this Land; that he would shew us what we know not, and
help us wherein we have done amiss to do so no more; and especially that
whatever mistakes on either hand have been fallen into, either by the body of
this People, or any orders of men, referring to the late Tragedy, raised among
us by Satan and his Instruments, thro the awful Judgment of God, he would
humble us therefore[340]and pardon all the Errors of his Servants and People,
that desire to love his Name and be attoned to his Land; that he would remove
the Rod of the wicked from off the Lot of the Righteous; that he would bring
the American Heathen, and cause them to hear and obey his Voice.
Given at Boston,
Decemb. 17, 1696, in the 8th Year of his Majesties Reign.
Isaac Addington, Secretary. Upon
the Day of the Fast in the full Assembly, at the South Meeting-House in Boston,
one of the Honourable Judges, who had sat in Judicature in Salem, delivered in
a Paper,[341] and while it was in reading stood up, But the Copy being not to
be obtained at present, It can only be reported by Memory to this effect, viz.
It was to desire the Prayers of God's People for him and his, and that God
having visited his Family, etc., he was apprehensive that he might have fallen
into some Errors in the Matters at Salem, and pray that the Guilt of such
Miscarriages may not be imputed either to the Country in general, or to him or
his family in particular.
We whose names are
under written, being in the Year 1692 called to serve as Jurors, in Court at
Salem, on Tryal of many, who were by some suspected Guilty of doing Acts of
Witchcraft upon the Bodies of sundry Persons:
We confess that we our
selves were not capable to understand, nor able to withstand the mysterious
delusions of the Powers of Darkness, and Prince of the Air; but were for want
of Knowledge in our selves, and better Information from others, prevailed with
to take up with such Evidence against the Accused, as on further consideration,
and better Information, we justly fear was insufficient for the touching the
Lives of any, Deut. 17. 6, whereby we fear we have been instrumental with
others, tho Ignorantly and unwittingly, to bring upon our selves, and this
People of the Lord, the Guilt of Innocent Blood; which Sin the Lord saith in
Scripture, he would not pardon, 2 Kings 24. 4, that is we suppose in regard of
his temporal Judgments. We do therefore hereby signifie to all in general (and
to the surviving Sufferers in especial) our deep sense of, and sorrow for our
Errors, in acting on such Evidence to the condemning of any person.
And do hereby declare
that we justly fear that we were sadly deluded and mistaken, for which we are
much disquieted and dis tressed in our minds; and do therefore humbly beg
forgiveness, first of God for Christ's sake for this our Error; And pray that
God would not impute the guilt of it to our selves, nor others; and we also pray
that we may be considered candidly, and aright by the living Sufferers as being
then under the power of a strong and general Delusion, utterly unacquainted
with, and not experienced in matters of that Nature.
We do heartily ask
forgiveness of you all, whom we have justly offended, and do declare according
to our present minds, we would none of us do such things again on such grounds
for the whole World; praying you to accept of this in way of Satisfaction for
our Offence; and that you would bless the Inheritance of the Lord, that he may
be intreated for the Land.
Foreman, Thomas Fisk, William Fisk, John Batcheler, Thomas Fisk, Junior
John Dane, Joseph Evelith, Thomas Perly, Senior John Pebody, Thomas Perkins,
Samuel Sayer, Andrew Elliott, Henry Herrick, Senior.[342] Mr. C. M. having been very forward
to write Books of Witchcraft, has not been so forward either to explain or
defend the Doctrinal part thereof, and his belief (which he had a Years time to
compose) he durst not venture so as to be copied.[343] Yet in this of the Life
of Sir William he sufficiently testifies his retaining that Heterodox belief,
seeking by frightfull stories of the sufferings of some, and the refined sight
of others, etc., P. 69 to obtrude upon the World, and confirm it in such a
belief, as hitherto he either cannot or will not defend, as if the Blood
already shed thereby were not sufficient.
Mr. I. Mather, in his
Cases of Conscience, P. 25, tells of a Bewitched Eye, and that such can see
more than others. They were certainly bewitched Eyes that could see as well
shut as open, and that could see what never was, that could see the Prisoners
upon the Afflicted, harming of them, when those whose Eyes were not bewitched
could have sworn that they did not stir from the Bar. The Accusers are said to
have suffered much by biting, P. 73. And the prints of just such a set of
Teeth, as those they Accused, had, but such as had not such bewitch'd Eyes have
seen the Accusers bite themselves, and then complain of the Accused. It has
also been seen when the Accused, instead of having just such a set of Teeth,
has not had one in his head. They were such bewitched Eyes that could see the
Poisonous Powder (brought by Spectres P. 70.) And that could see in the Ashes
the print of the Brand, there invisibly heated to torment the pretended
Sufferers with, etc.
These with the rest of
such Legends have this direct tendency, viz. To tell the World that the Devil
is more ready to serve his Votaries, by his doing for them things above or
against the course of Nature, shewing himself to them, and making explicit
contract with them, etc., than the Divine Being is to his faithful Servants,
and that as he is willing, so also able to perform their desires. The way
whereby these People are believed to arrive at a power to Afflict their
Neighbours, is by a compact with the Devil, and that they have a power to
Commissionate him to those Evils, P. 72. However Irrational, or Inscriptural
such Assertions are, yet they seem a necessary part of the Faith of such as maintain
the belief of such a sort of Witches.
As the Scriptures know
nothing of a covenanting or commissioning Witch, so Reason cannot conceive how
Mortals should by their Wickedness arrive at a power to Commissionate Angels,
Fallen Angels, against their Innocent Neighbours. But the Scriptures are full
in it, and the Instances numerous, that the Almighty, Divine Being has this
prerogative to make use of what Instrument he pleaseth, in Afflicting any, and
consequently to commissionate Devils: And tho this word commissioning, in the
Authors former Books, might be thought to be by inadvertency; yet now after he
hath been caution'd of it, still to persist in it seems highly Criminal. And
therefore in the name of God, I here charge such belief as guilty of Sacriledge
in the highest Nature, and so much worse than stealing Church Plate, etc., As
it is a higher Offence to steal any of the glorious Attributes of the Almighty,
to bestow them upon Mortals, than it is to steal the Utensils appropriated to
his Service. And whether to ascribe such power of commissioning Devils to the
worst of Men, be not direct Blasphemy, I leave to others better able to
determine. When the Pharisees were so wicked as to ascribe to Beelzebub, the
mighty works of Christ (whereby he did manifestly shew forth his Power and
Godhead) then it was that our Saviour declar'd the Sin against the Holy Ghost
to be unpardonable.
When the Righteous God
is contending with Apostate Sinners, for their departures from him, by his
Judgments, as Plagues, Earthquakes, Storms and Tempests, Sicknesses and
Diseases, Wars, loss of Cattle, etc. Then not only to ascribe this to the
Devil, but to charge one another with sending or commissionating those Devils
to these things, is so abominable and so wicked, that it requires a better
Judgment than mine to give it its just denomination.
But that Christians so
called should not only charge their fellow Christians therewith, but proceed to
Tryals and Executions; crediting that Enemy to all Goodness, and Accuser of the
Brethren, rather than believe their Neighbours in their own Defence; This is so
Diabolical a Wickedness as cannot proceed, but from a Doctrine of Devils; how
far damnable it is let others discuss. Tho such things were acting in this
Country in Sir Williams time, yet p. 65. there is a Discourse of a Guardian
Angel, as then over-seeing it, which notion, however it may suit the Faith of Ethnicks,[344]
or the fancies of Trithemius,[345] it is certain that the Omnipresent Being
stands not in need as Earthly Potentates do, of governing the World by
Vicegerents. And if Sir William had such an Invisible pattern to imitate, no
wonder tho some of his Actions were unaccountable, especially those relating to
Witchcraft: For if there was in those Actions an Angel super-intending, there
is little reason to think it was Gabriel or the Spirit of Mercury, nor Hanael
the Angel or Spirit of Venus, nor yet Samuel the Angel or Spirit of Mars; Names
feigned by the said Trithemius, etc. It may rather be thought to be Apollyon,
or Abaddon.
Obj.[346] But here it
will be said, “What, are there no Witches? Do's not the Law of God command that
they should be extirpated? Is the Command vain and Unintelligible?” Sol.[347]
For any to say that a Witch is one that makes a compact with, and Commissions
Devils, etc., is indeed to render the Law of God vain and Unintelligible, as
having provided no way whereby they might be detected, and proved to be such;
And how the Jews waded thro this difficulty for so many Ages, without the
Supplement of Mr. Perkins and Bernard thereto, would be very mysterious. But to
him that can read the Scriptures without prejudice from Education, etc., it
will manifestly appear that the Scripture is full and Intelligible, both as to
the Crime and means to detect the culpable. He that shall hereafter see any
person, who to confirm People in a false belief, about the power of Witches and
Devils, pretending to a sign to confirm it, such as knocking off of invisible
Chains with the hand, driving away Devils by brushing, striking with a Sword or
Stick, to wound a person at a great distance, etc., may (according to that head
of Mr. Gauls, quoted by Mr. C. M. and so often herein before recited, and so
well proved by Scripture) conclude that he has seen Witchcraft performed.
If Baalam became a
Sorcerer by Sacrifizing and Praying to the true God against his visible people;
Then he that shall pray that the afflicted (by their Spectral Sight) may accuse
some other Person (whereby their reputations and lives may be indangered) such
will justly deserve the Name of a Sorcerer. If any Person pretends to know more
then[348] can be known by humane means, and professeth at the same time that
they have it from the Black-Man, i. e. the Devil, and shall from hence give
Testimony against the Lives of others, they are manifestly such as have a
familiar Spirit; and if any, knowing them to have their Information from the
Black-Man, shall be inquisitive of them for their Testimony against others,
they therein are dealing with such as have a Familiar-Spirit.
And if these shall
pretend to see the dead by their Spectral Sight, and others shall be
inquisitive of them, and receive their Answers what it is the dead say, and who
it is they accuse, both the one and the other are by Scripture Guilty of
Necromancy.
These are all of them
crimes as easily proved as any whatsoever, and that by such proof as the Law of
God requires, so that it is no Unintelligible Law.
But if the Iniquity of
the times be such, that these Criminals not only Escape Indemnified,[349] but
are Incouraged in their Wickedness, and made use of to take away the Lives of
others, this is worse than a making the Law of God Vain, it being a rendring of
it dangerous, against the Lives of Innocents, and without all hopes of better,
so long as these Bloody Principles remain.
As long as Christians
do Esteem the Law of God to be Imperfect, as not describing that crime that it
requires to be Punish'd by Death;
As long as men suffer
themselves to be Poison'd in their Education, and be grounded in a False Belief
by the Books of the Heathen;
As long as the Devil
shall be believed to have a Natural Power, to Act above and against a course of
Nature;
As long as the Witches
shall be believed to have a Power to Commission him;
As long as the Devils
Testimony, by the pretended afflicted, shall be received as more valid to
Condemn, than their Plea of Not Guilty to acquit;
As long as the Accused
shall have their Lives and Liberties confirmed and restored to them, upon their
Confessing themselves Guilty;
As long as the Accused
shall be forc't to undergo Hardships and Torments for their not Confessing;
As long as Tets for the
Devil to Suck are searched for upon the Bodies of the accused, as a token of
guilt;
As long as the Lords
Prayer shall be profaned, by being made a Test, who are culpable;
As long as Witchcraft,
Sorcery, Familiar Spirits, and Necromancy, shall be improved to discover who
are Witches, etc.,
So long it may be
expected that Innocents will suffer as Witches.
So long God will be
Daily dishonoured, And so long his Judgments must be expected to be continued.
[223]. I. e., the
witchcraft at Salem in 1692.
[224]. As to Parris and
Salem Village, and in general as to the Salem witchcraft, which is the subject
of the rest of Calef's narrative, see the introduction and notes to Lawson's
Brief Account (pp. 147-164, above). That account (as also the parallel narrative
of Hale, at pp. 413 ff., below) should be constantly compared with the present
one.
[225]. 1692 of our
calendar.
[226]. Doubtless Dr.
William Griggs, of Salem Village, whose wife's niece, a maid in his household,
was one of the “afflicted.”
[227]. Abigail
Williams, Parris's niece.
[228]. West-Indian
slaves, brought back with him from Barbadoes.
[229]. It was suggested
by the wife of a neighbor. When, a fortnight later, she was disciplined by the
village church for this dabbling in superstition, Parris himself wrote in the
church-record book: “It is well known that when these Calamities first began,
which was in my own Family, the Affliction was several weeks before such
hellish Operations as Witchcraft was suspected; Nay, it never broke forth to
any considerable Light, until diabolical Means was used, by the making of a
cake by my Indian Man, who had his Directions from this our Sister Mary Sibly;
since which Apparitions have been plenty, and exceeding much Mischief hath
followed.” (Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 95; Hanson, Danvers, p. 289, quoted by
Drake.)
[230]. I. e., to meet
her prison expenses. She lay there for a year and a month.
[231]. Besides the
documents of Tituba's case printed in the Records of Salem Witchcraft (I.
41-50), a much fuller report of her examination (March 1-2, 1692) strangely
differing from that already printed, is appended to Drake's edition of Mather
and Calef (The Witchcraft Delusion in New England, III. 185-195).
[232]. On March 1,
before John Hathorne and Jonathan Corwin. From this point to his entry of April
3 Calef's narrative rests wholly on that of Lawson.
[233] See above, pp.
162-164.
[234]. “Sucking” in
original; corrected in Errata.
[235]. Among them was
Samuel Sewall, who wrote in his diary for that day: “Went to Salem, where, in
the Meeting-house, the persons accused of Witchcraft were examined; was a very
great Assembly; 'twas awfull to see how the afflicted persons were agitated.
Mr. Noyes pray'd at the beginning, and Mr. Higginson concluded.” In the margin
he has later added: “Vae, Vae, Vae, Witchcraft” -- i. e., “woe, woe, woe!” So
many (seven) of the magistrates were present that the court took the form of a “council”
(the highest of colonial tribunals), under the presidency of Deputy-governor
Danforth (Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 101; Hutchinson, Massachusetts,
second ed., II. 27-30).
[236]. I. e., than.
This spelling was then usual.
[237]. Jail-keeper.
[238]. Deliverance.
[239]. Mary Esty, aged
56, was a sister of Rebecca Nurse and Sarah Cloyse. We shall meet her again. As
to these Topsfield cases, see above, p. 237, note 1. Edward Bishop, aged 44,
was probably a step-son of Bridget Bishop (see above, pp. 223-229, and below,
p. 356), and his wife was a daughter of John Wilds. On Mary Black, see
Chandler, American Criminal Trials, I. 427, and Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II.
136-137. As for Mary English, see below, p. 371.
[240]. “Mary” in
original; corrected in Errata.
[241]. I. e., cried out
against, accused.
[242]. The afflicted
Indian, i.e., Parris's John: it is clearly a misprint.
[243]. I. e., the
English Revolution and the overthrow in New England of the Andros government
(1689).
[244]. He doubtless
means especially Cotton Mather. So, at least, Mather assumes in his reply (his
letter in Some Few Remarks, etc., pp. 46-47) and vigorously denies that he
opposed the reassumption.
[245]. See p. 348, note
1.
[246]. Doubtless a
misprint for “having them taken off.”
[247]. The reason for
the irons was the assertion of the “afflicted” that their sufferings did not
cease till the accused were thus in fetters. An account of the prison-keeper
(Hanson, Danvers, p. 290) has such items as: “May 9th, To Chains for Sarah Good
and Sarah Osborn, 14s. May 23d, To Shackles for 10 Prisoners. May 29th, to 1
pr. Irons.” See also Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 212, 213. Even little
Dorcas Good was put into chains.
[248]. Captain
Nathaniel Cary was a shipmaster, a man of ability and prominence, later a
member of the General Court and a justice.
[249]. Abigail Williams
and Ann Putnam.
[250]. Talk with.
[251]. The Rev. John
Hale, of Beverly. As to his part in the trials see below, p. 369.
[252]. Cary is
speaking, of course, of “John Indian” and Tituba.
[253]. Rhode Island. “July
30, 1692. Mrs. Cary makes her escape out of Cambridge-Prison, who was Committed
for Witchcraft.” (Sewall, Diary, I. 362.)
[254]. “Jonathan” in
original: corrected to “Nathaniel” in Errata.
[255]. See above, pp.
170, note 2, and 178, note 6. Captain Alden, Indian fighter, naval commander,
now at seventy a man of wealth, was one of the leading figures of New England.
[256]. The
lieutenant-governor -- soon to be head of the special court for the trial of
the witches. See above, p. 183, note 2, and p. 199.
[257]. Bartholomew
Gedney, of Salem, the third magistrate, was, like his colleagues, an assistant
of the province.
[258]. Captain Alden's
case seems to have made a great stir. On July 20 there was held a special “Fast
at the house of Capt. Alden, upon his account.” Judge Sewall read a sermon, and
Willard, Allen, and Cotton Mather prayed, then Captain Hill and Captain
Scottow; “concluded about 5. aclock.” (Sewall, Diary, I. 361-362.) A year
later, on June 12, 1693, Sewall records: “I visit Capt. Alden and his wife, and
tell them I was sorry for their Sorrow and Temptations by reason of his
Imprisonment, and that [I] was glad of his Restauration.”
[259]. See above, pp.
183-185, 196-198. These gentlemen were all members of the new Council of the
province. Saltonstall, out of dissatisfaction with the proceedings, early
withdrew (see above, p. 184), and was later himself accused (Sewall's Diary, I.
373). Jonathan Corwin took his place. A quorum was five. All the judges had had
experience in the colony's Court of Assistants; but none had had a legal
training.
[260]. As to the trial
of Bridget Bishop see above, pp. 223-229. Before her last marriage she had been
a widow Oliver. The testimony against her includes the deposition of a Samuel
Gray (Records of Salem Witchcraft, I. 152-153) as to her bewitching to death
his child some fourteen years before. Of his repentance at his death, which
must have been recent when Calef wrote, the writer doubtless speaks from
personal knowledge.
[261]. See above, p.
194.
[262]. See above, p.
304, notes 3, 5.
[263]. The full text of
the document, that is, may be found at the end of Increase Mather's Cases of
Conscience (London, 1693). With that book, or from it, it has been often
reprinted. In his life of Phips (and in its reprint in his Magnalia) Cotton
Mather tells us that it was drawn up by himself; but it doubtless embodied a
compromise. Increase Mather calls it “the humble Advice which twelve Ministers
concurringly presented before his Excellency and Council,” and it entitles
itself “The Return of several Ministers consulted by his Excellency, and the
Honourable Council, upon the present Witchcrafts in Salem Village.”
[264]. Cotton Mather,
of course.
[265]. As to the trials
of Susanna Martin and Elizabeth How see above, pp. , and records there cited.
The documents for those of Sarah Good, Rebecca Nurse, Sarah Wildes, may be
found in Records of Salem Witchcraft (I. 11-34, 76-99, 180-189), but for the
two last more fully in the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical
Society (XIII. 80-92).
[266]. I. e., than
that.
[267]. By Mr. Noyes, of
whose church in Salem Town she was a member. Says the church record: “1692,
July 3. -- After sacrament, the elders propounded to the church, -- and it was,
by an unanimous vote, consented to, -- that our sister Nurse, being a convicted
witch by the Court, and condemned to die, should be excommunicated; which was
accordingly done in the afternoon, she being present.” (Upham, Salem
Witchcraft, II. 290.) Upham, himself long pastor of this church, has drawn a
powerful picture of the probable scene.
[268]. Two of these
testimonials, one of them signed by thirty-eight of her neighbors, are printed
by Upham (Salem Witchcraft, II. 271-272), and more exactly, from the still
extant MSS., in the Historical Collections of the Topsfield Historical Society
(XIII. 57-58) -- and with them the touching evidence of the neighbors who first
bore her the news of her accusation.
[269]. See above, pp.
22, 184, and 186, note 3.
[270]. As to the trials
of Burroughs and Goodwife Carrier see above, pp. 215-222, 241-244, and records
there cited. Those relating to Procter and his wife, to Willard, and to Jacobs
may be found in Records of Salem Witchcraft (I. 60-74, 99-117, 266-279,
253-265). The testimonials on behalf of the Procters are reprinted (with
corrections) by Upham (Salem Witchcraft, II. 305-307). As to Willard other
papers will be found in Dr. S. A. Green's Groton in the Witchcraft Times
(Groton, 1883), pp. 23-29. The documents relating to Jacobs are to be found
also in the Collections of the Essex Institute (II. 49-57), where (and in I.
52-56) are further details as to him and his household.
[271]. For Brattle's
account of their execution see above, p. 177.
[272]. “This day,”
writes Judge Sewall in his diary, “George Burrough, John Willard, Jno. Procter,
Martha Carrier and George Jacobs were executed at Salem, a very great number of
Spectators being present. Mr. Cotton Mather was there, Mr. Sims, Hale, Noyes,
Chiever, etc. All of them said they were innocent, Carrier and all. Mr. Mather
says they all died by a Righteous Sentence. Mr. Burrough by his Speech, Prayer,
protestation of his Innocence, did much move unthinking persons, which
occasions their speaking hardly concerning his being executed.” In the margin
he later added “Dolefull Witchcraft!”
[273]. Nashaway, an old
name of Lancaster.
[274]. By “Mr. Mather”
is unquestionably meant Increase Mather. He alone, as the senior in age and in
dignity, could with propriety be thus given the first place; and his son, if
named at all, would have been identified as “Mr. Cotton Mather.” That he is not
named at all needs no explanation to those who have read his own words as to
accusers and accused and his complaints as to the blame heaped upon himself. Of
Moody, Willard, Bailey, we have perhaps seen enough in earlier pages to guess
why such an appeal might with hope be addressed to them. The Boston Tory Joshua
Broadbent, writing on June 21 from New York, reported that “Mrs. Moody, Parson
Moody's wife, is said to be one” of the witches. (Calendar of State Papers,
Colonial, 1689-1692, p. 653.) Of Allen, the well-to-do minister of the First
Church, who seems to have been a man of much caution, it may be well to
remember that prior to 1678 he had owned the estate at Salem Village since
occupied, but not yet in full ownership, by the Nurses, Procter's near
neighbors, and that he was doubtless personally known to the petitioner.
Bailey, who had come to America in 1683, had at first assisted Willard at the
South Church, and, after a pastorate at Watertown, was now Allen's assistant at
the First.
[275]. Juries. It
should not be overlooked that in these trials of 1692 the jurors were chosen
from among church-members only, not, as later, from all who had the property to
make them voters under the new charter. The act establishing this qualification
for the jurors was not passed till November 25. (See Goodell in Mass. Hist.
Soc., Proceedings, second series, I. 67-68.)
[276]. Richard and
Andrew, sons of Martha Carrier, of Andover. (See above, pp. 241-244.) Richard
was 18.
[277]. As to this form
of torture see above, p. 102 and note 1. For some of the evidence extorted by
it in this case see Records of Salem Witchcraft, p. 198. The use of torture in
cases of witchcraft had been recommended by Perkins, the Puritan oracle, and
yet more warmly by King James; and despite protesting jurists it came into use.
Even Coke, who maintains that “there is no Law to warrant tortures in this
land, nor can they be justified by any prescription,” has to add “being so
lately brought in” (Institutes, III., cap. 2). As to its actual use in English
witch-trials see Notestein, Witchcraft in England, index, s. v. “Torture.” But
Massachusetts law, from 1641 on, had straitly forbidden it except, after
conviction, to extort the names of accomplices; and even then forbade “such
tortures as be barbarous and inhumane” (see Body of Liberties, par. 45; ed. of
1660, p. 67; ed. of 1672, p. 129). If in 1648 the highest court of the colony,
learning with admiration of the achievements of Matthew Hopkins in England, was
“desirous that the same course which hath been taken in England for the
discovery of witches, by watchinge, may also be taken here,” and ordered, in
the case of a witch, that “a strict watch be set about her every night, and
that her husband be confined to a private room, and watched also” (Records of
Massachusetts, III. 126), their phrasing betrays how little they understood the
rigor of the English method. In 1692 even Cotton Mather declared himself “farr
from urging the un-English method of torture” (Mather Papers, p. 394), though
he urged on the judges “whatever hath a tendency to put the witches into
confusion,” such as “Crosse and Swift Questions.” But the procedure of that
day, like our own, drew a line between what might be used in the courts and
what might be permitted to extra-judicial inquiry, and we shall see yet more of
methods used at Salem to extort confession.
[278]. That which.
[279]. I. e., out of
charity the neighbors relieved her.
[280]. How she was
brought to confess she herself told in a brave paper:
“The humble declaration
of Margaret Jacobs unto the honoured court now sitting at Salem, sheweth
“That whereas your poor
and humble declarant being closely confined here in Salem jail for the crime of
witchcraft, which crime, thanks be to the Lord, I am altogether ignorant of, as
will appear at the great day of judgment. May it please the honoured court, I
was cried out upon by some of the possessed persons, as afflicting of them;
whereupon I was brought to my examination, which persons at the sight of me
fell down, which did very much startle and affright me. The Lord above knows I
knew nothing, in the least measure, how or who afflicted them; they told me,
without doubt I did, or else they would not fall down at me; they told me if I
would not confess, I should be put down into the dungeon and would be hanged,
but if I would confess I should have my life; the which did so affright me,
with my own vile wicked heart, to save my life made me make the confession I
did, which confession, may it please the honoured court, is altogether false
and untrue. The very first night after I had made my confession, I was in such
horror of conscience that I could not sleep, for fear the Devil should carry me
away for telling such horrid lies. I was, may it please the honoured court,
sworn to my confession, as I understand since, but then, at that time, was
ignorant of it, not knowing what an oath did mean. The Lord, I hope, in whom I
trust, out of the abundance of his mercy, will forgive me my false forswearing
myself. What I said was altogether false, against my grandfather, and Mr. Burroughs,
which I did to save my life and to have my liberty; but the Lord, charging it
to my conscience, made me in so much horror, that I could not contain myself
before I had denied my confession, which I did, though I saw nothing but death
before me, choosing rather death with a quiet conscience, than to live in such
horror, which I could not suffer. Whereupon my denying my confession, I was
committed to close prison, where I have enjoyed more felicity in spirit a
thousand times than I did before in my enlargement.
“And now, may it please
your honours, your poor and humble declarant having, in part, given your
honours a description of my condition, do leave it to your honours pious and
judicious discretions to take pity and compassion on my young and tender years;
to act and do with me as the Lord above and your honours shall see good, having
no friend but the Lord to plead my cause for me; not being guilty in the least
measure of the crime of witchcraft, nor any other sin that deserves death from
man; and your poor and humble declarant shall forever pray, as she is bound in
duty, for your honours' happiness in this life, and eternal felicity in the
world to come. So prays your honours declarant.
“Margaret Jacobs.”
The document is
preserved by Hutchinson, and may be found in the first chapter of his second
volume (or in Poole's reprint of an earlier draft, N. E. Hist. and Gen.
Register, XXIV. 402-403).
[281]. Daniel Andrew,
the kinsman and neighbor who had fled with her father. He had been a leading
man, a teacher, a deputy to the General Court, and apparently a staunch
opponent of the panic. As to the crazed mother, see p. 371, below, and the
grandmother's petition in Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, V. 79 (or in
Chandler's American Criminal Trials, I. 431-432).
[282]. For a little
more of her story see below, p. 371. She was acquitted in January, but had to
remain in jail, even after the governor by proclamation had freed the prisoners
(May, 1693), for want of means to pay her prison fees. A stranger, touched with
compassion on hearing of her case, advanced the money -- and was in time
repaid. (Upham, Salem Witchcraft, II. 353-354.)
[283]. The papers
relating to Ann Pudeater (Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 12-22) have been
embodied in a study of her case by G. F. Chever in the Collections of the Essex
Institute (II. 37-42, 49-54). The widow Dorcas Hoar seems to have earned some
suspicion by an interest in fortune-telling (Records of Salem Witchcraft, I.
235-253), and, though she confessed, she was condemned; but she had potent
friends. “A petition is sent to Town,” says Sewall in his Diary on September
21, “in behalf of Dorcas Hoar, who now confesses. Accordingly an order is sent
to the Sheriff to forbear her Execution.” “This is,” he adds, “the first
condemned person who has confess'd.” The aged Mrs. Bradbury, daughter of John
Perkins of Ipswich and wife of Captain Thomas Bradbury of Salisbury, was not
only one of the most socially eminent but one of the most venerated women of
her region, and her arrest enlisted in her defence the public sentiment of all
the district (see Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 160-174). She was aided to
escape from prison, and so from death.
[284]. For the Andover
and Topsfield cases reference may again be made to Mrs. Bailey's Historical
Sketches of Andover and to vol. XIII. of the Collections of the Topsfield
Historical Society as well as to the Records of Salem Witchcraft. The papers as
to Wilmot Redd, or Reed, are in the Records (II. 97-106); Margaret Scott's seem
lost. The examinations of Mary Lacy and Ann Foster should be studied in
Hutchinson's chapter as well as in the Records (II. 135-142), and see also p.
244, above, and pp. 418-419, below.
[285]. This was, of
course, the old English “peine forte et dure” for those who, in cases of petty
treason or of felony, will not “put themselves upon the country,” or, as Coke
has it, “when the offender standeth mute, and refuseth to be tryed by the
common law of the land.” (See Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law,
second ed., II. 650-652.) Whether in Giles Corey's case this was mere proud
protest or had some ulterior end is not yet clear. The theory that he hoped
thereby to save himself from attainder and preserve his right to bequeath his
property has been learnedly contested by G. H. Moore (see especially his Final
Notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts, New York, 1885, pp. 40-59). As to Giles
Corey see also p. 250, above, and Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 175-180. The
missing report of his examination is printed at the end of Calef's book in the
editions of 1823, 1861, and 1866.
[286]. Mary Herrick. At
least the following remarkable tale of hers (first published in the N. E. Hist.
and Gen. Register, XXVII. 55) must have had to do with Mr. Hale's change of
view:
“An Account Received
from the mouth of Mary Herrick aged about 17 yeares having been Afflicted [by]
the Devill or some of his instruments, about 2 month. She saith she had oft
been Afflicted and that the shape of Mrs. Hayle had been represented to her,
One amongst others, but she knew not what hand Afflicted her then, but on the
5th of the 9th [i. e., November] She Appeared again with the Ghost of Gooddee
Easty, and that then Mrs. Hayle did sorely Afflict her by pinching, pricking
and Choaking her. On the 12th of the 9th she Came again and Gooddee Easty with
her and then Mrs. Hayle did Afflict her as formerly. Sd Easty made as if she
would speake but did not, but on the same night they Came again and Mrs. Hayle
did sorely Afflict her, and asked her if she thought she was a Witch. The Girl
answered no, You be the Devill. Then said Easty sd and speake, She Came to tell
her She had been put to Death wrongfully and was Innocent of Witchcraft, and
she Came to Vindicate her Cause and she Cryed Vengeance, Vengeance, and bid her
reveal this to Mr. Hayle and Gerish, and then she would rise no more, nor
should Mrs. Hayle Afflict her any more. Memorand: that Just before sd Easty was
Executed, She Appeared to sd Girl, and said I am going upon the Ladder to be
hanged for a Witch, but I am innocent, and before a 12 Month be past you shall
believe it. Sd Girl sd she speake not of this before because she believed she
was Guilty, Till Mrs. Hayle appeared to her and Afflicted her, but now she
believeth it is all a Delusion of the Devil.
“This before Mr. Hayle
and Gerish 14th of the 9th 1692.”
“Gerish” means the Rev.
Joseph Gerrish, of Wenham, who is doubtless here the scribe.
[287]. But see (at pp.
404, 405, below) Hale's own account of this change of view.
[288]. Hale's whole
book (see below, pp. 397-432) is a commentary on this passage.
[289]. His wife was a
daughter of John Putnam, brother of Nathaniel and uncle of Deacon Edward and of
the Thomas whose wife and daughter were of the “afflicted.” As to the Bishops
see (besides Upham) Essex Institute Collections, XLII. 146 ff.
[290]. At pp. 247-248,
above.
[291]. I. e., it needs
no oracle to explain the matter; see p. 248, note 1.
[292]. Philip English
was the foremost ship-owner of Salem, a man of large wealth and exceptional
prominence. He had come in early life from the island of Jersey and at Salem
had married, in 1675, the daughter and heiress of the merchant William
Hollingworth. His wife, now thirty-nine, a lady of education and refinement,
was arrested on April 22 (see p. 347, above) and on April 30 a warrant was
issued for himself, but he could not be found. Detected, however, in his Boston
hiding-place, he was on May 31 committed, but was allowed to give bail, and
with his wife was kept in loose custody at Boston. As to their escape thence,
see above, pp. 178, 186, note 3; and for their story in general the articles by
G. F. Chever in the Essex Institute's Collections, I., II., Salem Witchcraft
Records, I. 189-193, the evidence of William Beale appended by Drake to his ed.
of Mather and Calef (III. 177-185), the documents printed in the Publications
of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, X. 17-20, a letter of Dr. Bentley in
Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, first ser., X. 64-66, and a passage from his
diary quoted by R. D. Paine in The Ships and Sailors of Old Salem (New York,
1909), pp. 26-28.
[293]. See above, pp.
360, 364.
[294]. Margaret.See pp.
364-366.
[295]. A son of the
venerable Governor Bradstreet and himself a man of station.
[296]. I. e., New
Hampshire.
[297]. On this Andover
episode see also pp. 180-181, 241-244, above.
[298]. Its last session
was on September 22, though the court was not definitely dropped till the end
of October. See above, p. 200 and note 1.
[299]. The implication
perhaps is that the governor exceeded his powers. That question has been much
and hotly debated -- most learnedly by Mr. A. C. Goodell in his Further Notes
on the History of Witchcraft in Massachusetts (Cambridge, 1884), pp. 20 ff.,
and Dr. G. H. Moore in his Final Notes on Witchcraft in Massachusetts (New
York, 1885), pp. 71-84.
[300]. This is an
error. In England, too, witches were hanged -- unless convicted of bewitching
to death their husbands, when for husband-murder, “petty treason,” they were
burned (see Coke, Institutes, pt. III., cap. 2, 6, 101, and the records of the
courts). Sir Matthew Hale indeed makes witchcraft “at Common Law” still “punished
with death, as Heresie, by Writ De Hæretico Comburendo” (Pleas of the Crown, p.
6). But this, of course, was after trial by an ecclesiastical court; and since
the Reformation ecclesiastical courts had not had cognizance of such cases.
[301]. This, the most
striking feature of the Salem trials, is perhaps partially explained by the
closing suggestion of Cotton Mather's advice to the judges (Mather Papers, p.
396): “What if some of the lesser Criminalls be onely scourged with lesser
punishments, and also put upon some solemn, open, Publike and Explicitt
renunciation of the Divil?... Or what if the death of some of the offenders
were either diverted or inflicted, according to the successe of such their
renunciation?” If it was unique that those who confessed escaped death, it was
nothing unique that they should be reckoned “lesser Criminalls.”
[302]. The Rev. Thomas
Barnard, associate minister at Andover. Dane, his senior, seems to have been
averse to the proceedings.
[303]. This is
doubtless what Brattle calls (p. 189, above) “a petition lately offered to the
chief Judge.” The examination and confession of Mary Osgood may be found in
Hutchinson's Massachusetts, II. ch. I. (or in Poole's reprint, N. E. Hist. and
Gen. Register, XXIV. 398). She, the two Tylers, and Abigail Barker were tried
and acquitted in January at the first session of the new Superior Court (see in
vol. X. of the Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts the brief
but valuable paper of John Noble, pp. 12-26).
[304]The best
commentary on these words is a remarkable paper which more than a century ago
came into the hands of the Massachusetts Historical Society and was published
in its Collections (second series, 111. 221-225). As Dr. Belknap, who prepared
it for publication, labelled it "Remainder of the account of the Salem
Witchcraft" and seems to have meant it to be printed with Brattle's letter
(see pp. 169-190, above), it is not improbable that, with that document, it had
come from the family of Brattle and that it was originally his. In that case it
is by no means impossible that in his hands Calef may have seen it and that from
him he may have received the recantation printed just above. The added paper
runs:
"Salem, Oct. 19,
'92. The Rev. Mr. 1. Mather went to Salem [to visit] the confessours (so
called): He conferred with several of them, and they spake as follows:"
[Then are narrated the explanations given by eleven of the women, the most
suggestive being this:] "Goodwife Tyler did say, that when she was first
apprehended, she had no fears upon her, and did think that nothing could have
made her confesse against herself; but since, she had found to her great grief,
that she had wronged the truth, and falsely accused herself: she said, that
when she was brought to Salem, her brother Bridges rode with her, and that all
along the way from Andover to Salem, her brother kept telling her that she must
needs be a witch, since the afflicted accused her, and at her touch were raised
out of their fitts, and urging her to confess herself a witch; she as
constantly told him,that she was no witch, that she knew nothing of witchcraft,
and begg'd of him not to urge her to confesse; however when she came to Salem,
she was carried to a room, where her brother on one side and Mr. John Emerson
on the other side did tell her that she was certainly a witch, and that she saw
the devill before her eyes at that time (and accordingly the said Emerson would
attempt with his hand to beat him away from her eyes) and they so urged her to
confesse, that she wished herself in any dungeon, rather than be so treated:
Mr. Emerson told her once and again, Well! I see you will not confesse! Well! I
will now leave you , and then you are undone, body and soul forever: Her
brother urged her to confesse, and told her that in so doing she could not lye;
to which she answered, Good brother, do not say so, for I shall lye if I
confesse, and then who shall answer unto God for my lye? He still asserted it,
and said that God would not suffer so many good men to be in such an errour
about it, and that she would be hang'd, if she did not confesse, and continued
so long and so violently to urge and presse her to confesse, that she thought
verily her life would have gone from her, and became so terrifyed in her mind,
that she own'd at length almost any thing that they propounded to her; but she
had wronged her conscience in so doing, she was guilty of a great sin in
belying of herself, and desired to mourn for it as long as she lived: This she
said and a great deal more of the like nature, and all of it with such
affection, sorrow, relenting, grief, and mourning as that it exceeds any pen
for to describe and expresse the same."
The "Mr. John
Emerson" of this episode was that clerical schoolmaster whom we have
already met in New Hampshire (see p. 37, note 3), but who was now, a teacher at
Charlestown. (Sibley, Harvard Graduates, II. 471-474.) If so personal an
activity of President Mather surprise, let it be remembered how widely the
persecution was now striking. His parishioner Lady Phips was among the accused,
and the Quaker John Whiting has a yet more startling suggestion: commenting in
1702 on the account just printed in Cotton Mather's Magnalia, he mentions the
"two Hundred more accused, some of which of great Estates in Boston,"
and in the margin adds, "Query, Was not the Governour's Wife, and C. M.'s
Mother, some of them?" (Truth and Innocency Defended, p. 140.)
Yet not all dared to
retract. "More than one or two of those now in Prison," writes
Increase Mather (Cases of Conscience, Postscript), "have freely and
credibly acknowledged their Communion and Familiarity with the Spirits of
Darkness; and have also declared unto me the Time and Occasion, with the
particular Circumstances of their Hellish Obligations and Abominations."
[305]For Cotton
Mather's Wonders, with its imprimatur by Phips and its preface by Stoughton,
see above, pp. 205 ff.
[306] Increase Mather:
the printer seems unable to distinguish Calef's I from his J.
[307]. The book, with
all its credulity, is in the main a vigorous and learned argument against
improper methods for detecting witches, and chiefly against reliance on the
testimony of the bewitched. Commended by the ministers, fourteen of whom sign
the preface “to the Christian reader,” it may have done something to allay the
panic. But, though it is dated by the author “October 3,” the title-page date
of 1693 suggests that, like his son's Wonders (see p. 207, note 1), it was long
in the press or withheld from the public.
[308]. As the pages of
Mather's Wonders containing these trials are reprinted in full above (pp.
215-244), it is needless here to repeat them. They occupy pp. 113-139 of
Calef's book. Then comes what here follows.
[309]. See p. 216.
[310]. See p. 229.
[311]. See p. 237.
[312]. See p. 244.
[313]. The author had
himself said, “I report matters not as an Advocate, but as an Historian.”
[314]. Phips,
Stoughton, and the latter's fellow-judges.
[315]. As to the
insertion in Mather's account of evidence not given at the trial, and as to his
errors of statement, see the careful analysis of Upham in his “Salem Witchcraft
and Cotton Mather,” pp. 46-48 (Historical Magazine, n. s., VI. 175-177).
[316]. To those who
know the wretched chap-books which have had to serve as records of the English
witch-trials -- and these alone Calef was likely to know -- this will not seem
high praise. The modern student can, however, compare for himself Mather's
accounts with the court records -- and, where mere transcription is concerned,
will find them faithful.
[317]. See pp. 225-227.
Shattuck, testifying in 1692, placed in 1680 his child's bewitchment, but “about
17 or 18 years after” the exposure of the witch.
[318]. See pp. 239-240.
[319]. The offense charged,
in the indictments printed by Calef, was that the accused “wickedly and
feloniously hath used certain detestable arts, called witchcrafts and
sorceries, by which said wicked arts” the said bewitched “was and is tortured,
afflicted, pined, consumed, wasted and tormented against the peace of our
sovereign lord and lady, the King and Queen, and against the form of the
statute in that case made and provided.” This was the usual form; but four of
the indictments extant (against Rebecca Eames, Samuel Wardwell, Rebecca Jacobs,
Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 24, 143, 147-148, and William Barker's,
preserved by Chandler, American Criminal Trials, I. 429) charge instead that
the accused “wickedly and feloniously a covenant with the Evil Spirit the Devil
did make,” and in two of these “the statute of King James the First” is
expressly named as contravened. That statute, indeed, punished alike with death
those who should “consult, covenant with, entertain, employ, feed, or reward
any evil or wicked spirit,” and the laws of Massachusetts made it death “if any
man or woman be a witch (that is, hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit)”
-- without a mention of harm to man or beast as element of the crime. That the
indictments specify such harm was perhaps only because the public attorney --
Thomas Newton (succeeded on July 26 by Anthony Checkley) -- was fresh from
English practice; but, as Calef implies, the proof should meet the indictment.
Newton (1660-1721) had come to Boston in 1688. Mr. Goodell, who studied the originals,
says the quoted indictments mentioning the English statute “appear to have been
drawn in blank by him, and afterwards filled in by Checkley” (Further Notes, p.
37). As to Newton see the study of Moore (Final Notes, pp. 94-103). Edward
Randolph says of him (V. 143) that he was “a person well known in the practice
in the Courts in England and New England,” while Checkley he calls “a man
ignorant in the Laws of England.” In 1691 Newton had been attorney general at
New York.
[320]. The laws of the
colony had never ceased to be operative; and the first act passed (June 15,
1692) by the General Court under the new charter was for the continuance of
these laws, “being not repugnant to the laws of England nor inconsistent with
the present constitution,” in full force till November 10. On October 29 the
Court passed a general “act for the punishing of capital offenders,” in which
the old Massachusetts law as to witchcraft -- “If any man or woman be a witch,
that is, hath or consulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death”
-- retains its old place and wording. And on December 14, “for more particular
direction in the execution of the law against witchcraft,” the same General
Court enacted the long English statute of 1604 (1 James I., cap. 12) --
omitting only the penalty of loss of “the privilege and benefit of clergy and
sanctuary” and the clauses saving dower and inheritance to widow and heir of
the convicted and providing that peers shall be tried by peers, substituting as
the place of pillorying “some shire town” for “some market town upon the market
day or at such time as any fair shall be kept there,” and adding to the penalty
(for the lighter degrees of sorcery) of imprisonment, pillory, and public
confession of the offence, the clause: “which said offense shall be written in
capital letters, and placed upon the breast of said offender.” The commission
creating the Court of Oyer and Terminer (May 27, 1692) antedated, however, all
these laws, and instructed that body “to enquire of, hear and determine for
this time, according to the law and custom of England and of this their
Majesties' province, all and all manner of crimes.” (For a learned study of
witchcraft laws in England and New England see Moore's Notes on Witchcraft, pp.
3-11.)
[321]. Winthrop.
[322]. “We do not know”
-- i. e., no basis for prosecution.
[323]. “A true bill.”
[324]. Elizabeth
Johnson and Mary Post. Elizabeth Johnson (as to whom see also p. 420) was
reprieved, and after six months' imprisonment was freed. Her grandfather, the
Rev. Francis Dane, said of her “she is but simplish at the best.” Mary Post and
Sarah Wardwell likewise escaped death.
[325]. And so the
public attorney told the governor (see p. 201).
[326]. See pp. 366-367.
[327]. I. e., as of
less than no worth.
[328]. By Governor
Phips (see p. 201).
[329]. Stoughton.
[330]. On Sarah
Daston's case see documents printed in the Publications (X. 12-16) of the
Colonial Society of Massachusetts and the brief account of her trial by an
eye-witness in the letter prefixed to the London edition of Increase Mather's
Cases of Conscience.
[331]. As to Mary
Watkins see an article in the N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register (XLIV. 168 ff.).
She lived at Milton, was white, and on August 11 was still in prison, but was
asking the jail-keeper to provide a master to carry her “out of this country
into Virginia.”
[332]. I. e., on
payment of fees. See pp. 343, 366.
[333]. He means, of
course, Mercy Short (see above, pp. 255 ff.) and Margaret Rule (see pp.
308-323). From this sentence it seems clear that this account of the Salem
episode was written before the earlier pages of his book, which begins with the
narrative of Margaret Rule and takes its title from it.
[334]. Phips left for
England November 17, 1694. (Sewall's Diary, I. 393.)
[335]. See above, p.
21.
[336]. Wallingford.
[337]. Of Winifred
Benham, mother and daughter, Mr. Taylor (The Witchcraft Delusion in Colonial
Connecticut, p. 155) learns only -- from “Records Court of Assistants (1: 74,
77) ” -- that they were in August, 1697, tried and acquitted at Hartford, and
in October indicted on new complaints, the jury returning “Ignoramus.” They
were doubtless the widow and daughter of that “Joseph Benham of New Haven,” who
in 1656/7 was married at Boston to Winifred King (N. E. Hist. and Gen.
Register, XI. 203) and later became one of the first settlers of Wallingford.
(See also Davis, History of Wallingford and Meriden, p. 412, cited by
Levermore, in the New Englander, XLIV. 815.)
[338]. For the interesting
story of this proclamation see the Diary (I. 439-441) of Judge Sewall, who
drafted its final form, and that of Cotton Mather (I. 211), who drew a rejected
one. The draft itself, with a careful study of these proceedings, see in
Moore's Notes on Witchcraft (pp. 14-19).
[339]. The punctuation
of the copy in the Massachusetts archives, as printed in a note to Sewall's
Diary (I. 440), joins “more ways than one” to “unsettling of us.”
[340]. I. e., therefor.
[341]. Samuel Sewall.
The exact wording of his paper he gives in his Diary (I. 445):
“Copy of the Bill I put
up on the Fast day; giving it to Mr. Willard as he pass'd by, and standing up
at the reading of it, and bowing when finished; in the Afternoon.
“Samuel Sewall,
sensible of the reiterated strokes of God upon himself and family; and being
sensible, that as to the Guilt contracted upon the opening of the late
Commission of Oyer and Terminer at Salem (to which the order for this Day
relates) he is, upon many accounts, more concerned than any that he knows of,
Desires to take the Blame and shame of it, Asking pardon of men, And especially
desiring prayers that God, who has an Unlimited Authority, would pardon that
sin and all other his sins, personal and Relative: And according to his
infinite Benignity, and Sovereignty, Not Visit the sin of him, or of any other,
upon himself or any of his, nor upon the Land: But that He would powerfully
defend him against all Temptations to Sin, for the future; and vouchsafe him
the efficacious, saving Conduct of his Word and Spirit.”
[342]. This ends the
book, as first written; but the author adds a “Postscript,” called out by the
publication, in 1697, of Cotton Mather's life of Sir William Phips, who had
died in London early in 1695. Not the achievements of Sir William, thinks
Calef, but Increase Mather's negotiation in England and his procuring of the
new charter, “are the things principally driven at in the book,” and “another
principal thing is to set forth the supposed witchcrafts in New-England, and
how well Mr. Mather the Younger therein acquitted himself.” Wherefore, after
freeing his mind as to the matter of the charter, he takes up Mather's
allegations as to the Salem episode, and, pointing out that, “tho this Book
pretends to raise a Statue in Honour of Sir William, yet it appears it was the
least part of the design of the Author to Honour him, but rather to Honour
himself, and the Ministers,” since by so printing the advice of the ministers
(see above, p. 356) “as to give a full Account of the cautions given him, but
designedly hiding from the Reader the Incouragements and Exhortations to
proceed,” it really throws the blame upon Phips, he devotes the remaining
pages, here reprinted, to Cotton Mather's real views and their influence. The
Life of Phips, now a rare book, is reprinted in Mather's Magnalia.
[343]. In a part of his
book not here reprinted (pp. 85 ff.) Calef speaks more fully of this paper,
lent him early in 1695, but on condition of its return within a fortnight and
uncopied. It was perhaps the MS. described by Poole (Memorial History, II. 152,
note) as now in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society, and
called “Cotton Mather's belief and practice in those thorny difficulties which
have distracted us in the day of temptation” -- having “marginal reflections in
another hand.” [Since the foregoing words were written, this conjecture has
been proved true. See above, p. 306, note 1.]
[344]. Pagans.
[345]. A German abbot
and scholar who in the early sixteenth century wrote most credulously about
witches and angels.
[346]. Objection.
[347]. Solution.
[348]. I. e., than.
[349]. Unpunished.
The Rev. John Hale
(1636-1700), a native of the colony and a graduate of Harvard in its class of
1657, had since 1665 been pastor at Beverly, the parish lying north of Salem,
from which it was severed by a narrow arm of the sea, and at the west adjoining
yet more closely Salem Village, through which lay the land route connecting
Beverly with Salem and with Boston. Many of those connected with the beginnings
of the witch panic had, prior to the erection of the Village parish, been in
attendance at the Beverly church. Some were still so; and the spreading
suspicion soon invaded this parish itself. It was not strange, then, that from
the first, as we have seen already, Hale's interest in the proceedings was
close and attentive.[350] There can be no question that, as Calef says, “he had
been very forward in these Prosecutions,” and, like his neighbor pastors Parris
and Noyes, had held the most credulous views as to the worth of the testimony
of the “afflicted.” How those views changed after the accusation of his loved
and honored wife we have also seen;[351] and of all this he himself tells us
with a touching sincerity in the pages now to follow. His little book is no
apology, but a manly attempt to make amends for what he now felt to be error by
setting forth to others what he had learned. Judge Sewall, who likewise had repented
of his error and likewise frankly owned it, records in his diary on November
19, 1697, when he was on a visit to Salem: “Mr. Hale and I lodg'd together: He
discours'd me about writing a History of the Witchcraft; I fear lest he go into
the other extream.”
The Rev. John Higginson
(1616-1708), the aged senior pastor of Salem, who writes for Hale the
introduction, is also no stranger to us;[352] and we have seen what reason
there is to think him hesitant all along as to the proceedings. Yet how far he
had been from incredulity as to human dealings with the Devil appears not only
from his own words here, but from the materials he furnished Increase Mather
for his Providences.[353] Perhaps he, too, consulted Judge Sewall as to his
part in the little book; for before the words just cited the latter writes: “Mr.
Higginson comes as far as Brother's to see me; which I wonder'd at.”
Though completed early
in 1698 -- since Higginson had read it before signing his introduction on March
23 -- the book, as may be seen from its imprint, was not published till 1702,
after Hale's death. Perhaps that was its author's wish: so, Judge Sewall tells
us,[354] Higginson withheld his treatise on periwigs. The Modest Enquiry is now
one of the rarest books in the literature of witchcraft. Its single
reimpression (Boston, 1771) is said to be yet rarer than the original. Happily,
that part of the book which narrates the story of the Salem episode was taken
up by Cotton Mather into his Magnalia (at the end of his Book VI.); and from
that work, though it gives Hale due credit, it is often quoted as if Mather's
own.[355]
[350]. See above, pp.
158, 184, 342, 344, 350, 369. More than once (as against Bridget Bishop and
Dorcas Hoar) he himself became a witness as to the reputation or career of the
accused. That already then there was thought of his writing upon the subject
may perhaps be inferred from Cotton Mather's letter quoted on p. 206; and see
also p. 214.
[351]. See p. 369, and
note 1.
[352]. See above, pp.
245, 248, note 2.
[353]. Mather Papers,
pp. 282-287.
[354]. Diary, I.
463-464.
[355]. As to Hale's
career see a memoir in Mass. Hist. Soc., Collections, third series, VII.
255-269; also Sibley, Harvard Graduates, I. 509-520, and authorities there
cited.
A Modest Enquiry Into
the Nature of Witchcraft, and How Persons Guilty of that Crime may be
Convicted: And the means used for their Discovery Discussed, both Negatively
and Affirmatively, according to Scripture and Experience.
By John Hale, Pastor of
the Church of Christ in Beverley, Anno Domini 1697.
When they say unto you,
seek unto them that have Familiar Spirits and unto Wizzards, that peep, etc.,
To the Law and to the Testimony; if they speak not according to this word, it
is because there is no light in them. Isaiah VIII. 19. 20. That which I see not
teach thou me, Job 34. 32.
Boston in N. E. Printed
by B. Green and J. Allen, for Benjamin Eliot under the Town House. 1702[356]
Any general Custom
against the Law of God is void. St. Germans, Abridgment of Common Law. Lib. 1.
C. 6.
Omnium legum est inanis
censura nisi Divinæ legis imaginem gerat.[357] Finch, Common Law. Lib. 4. C. 3.
Where a Law is grounded
upon a Presumption, if the Presumption fail the Law is not to be holden in
Conscience. Abridgment of C. Law. Lib. 1. C. 19.[358]
[356]. Title-page of
original.
[357]. “No law hath any
validity unless it bear the image of divine law.”
[358]. Reverse of
title-page.
It hath been said of
Old, That Time is the Mother of Truth, and Truth is the Daughter of Time. It is
the Prerogative of the God of Truth, to know all the truth in all things at
once and together: It is also his Glory to conceal a matter, Prov. 25. 2, And
to bring the truth to light in that manner and measure, and the times
appointed, as it pleaseth him; it is our duty in all humility, and with fear
and trembling, to search after truth, knowing that secret things belong to God,
and only things revealed belong to us, and so far as they are revealed; for in
many things it may be said, what God is doing we know not now; but we, or
others that succeed us, shall know hereafter. Omitting other Examples, I shall
Instance only in the matter of Witchcraft, which on the Humane side, is one of
the most hidden Works of Darkness, managed by the Rulers of the darkness of
this World, to the doing of great spoil amongst the Children of men: And on the
Divine side, it is one of the most awful and tremendous Judgments of God which
can be inflicted on the Societies of men, especially when the Lord shall please
for his own Holy Ends to Enlarge Satans Commission in more than an ordinary
way.
It is known to all men,
that it pleased God some few years ago, to suffer Satan to raise much trouble
amongst us in that respect, the beginning of which was very small, and looked
on at first as an ordinary case which had fallen out before at several times in
other places, and would be quickly over. Only one or two persons belonging to
Salem Village about five miles from the Town being suspected were Examined,
etc. But in the progress of the matter, a multitude of other persons both in
this and other Neighbour Towns, were Accused, Examined, Imprisoned, and came to
their Trials, at Salem, the County Town, where about Twenty of them Suffered as
Witches; and many others in danger of the same Tragical End: and still the
number of the Accused increased unto many Scores; amongst whom were many
Persons of unquestionable Credit, never under any grounds of suspicion of that
or any other Scandalous Evil. This brought a general Consternation upon all
sorts of People, doubting what would be the issue of such a dreadful Judgment
of God upon the Country; but the Lord was pleased suddenly to put a stop to
those proceedings, that there was no further trouble, as hath been related by
others. But it left in the minds of men a sad remembrance of that sorrowful
time; and a Doubt whether some Innocent Persons might not Suffer, and some
guilty Persons Escape. There is no doubt but the Judges and Juries proceeded in
their Integrity, with a zeal of God against Sin, according to their best light,
and according to Law and Evidence; but there is a Question yet unresolved,
Whether some of the Laws, Customs and Principles used by the Judges and Juries
in the Trials of Witches in England (which were followed as Patterns here) were
not insufficient and unsafe.
As for my Self, being
under the Infirmities of a decrepit Old Age, I stirred little abroad, and was
much disenabled (both in body and mind) from Knowing and judging of Occurrents
and Transactions of that time: But my Reverend Brother Mr. Hale, having for
above Thirty Years been Pastor of the Church at Beverly (but Two Miles from
Salem, where the Tryals were) was frequently present, and was a diligent
Observer of all that passed, and being one of a Singular Prudence and Sagacity,
in searching into the narrows of things: He hath (after much deliberation) in
this Treatise, related the Substance of the Case as it was, and given Reasons
from Scripture against some of the Principles and Practises then used in the
Tryals of Witchcraft; and said something also in a Positive way, and shewing
the right Application that is to be made of the whole, and all this in such a
pious and modest Manner, as cannot be offensive to any, but may be generally
acceptable to all the lovers of Truth and Peace.
I am the more willing
to accompany him to the Press, because I am perswaded such a Treatise as this
is needful and useful, upon divers accounts. As,
1. That the Works of
God may be known; and that God may be more acknowledged and adored, in his
Justice, and in his Mercy: in his Justice, by letting loose Evil Angels, to
make so great a spoyl amongst us as they did, for the Punishment of a declining
People: And in his Mercy, by Counter-manding of Satans Commission, and keeping
of him in Chains of restraint, that he should proceed no further. Psal. 83, last.
2. That the Truth of
things may be more fully known, so far as God shall please to reveal the same
in the use of lawful means; for the Judgments of God are a great deep, and he
is wont to make known truth by degrees; and Experience teacheth us, there is
need of more to be said than hath been yet, for the clearing up of difficulties
about the matter of Witchcraft. We ought to be fellow helpers to the truth. 3
Epistle of John, 8. v.
3. That whatever Errors
or Mistakes we fell into, in the dark hour of Temptation that was upon us, may
be (upon more light) so discovered, acknowledged and disowned by us, as that it
may be a matter of Warning and Caution to those that come after us, that they
may not fall into the like. 1 Cor. 10. 11. Fælix quem faciunt aliena pericula
cautum.[359]
4. And that it may
Occasion the most Learned and Pious men to make a further and fuller Enquiry
into the matter of Witchcraft, especially into the positive part, How Witches
may be so discovered, that innocent persons may be preserved, and none but the
guilty may suffer. Prov. 17. 15.
Verily whosoever shall
by the Grace of God be enabled to Contribute further light in this matter, will
do good Service to God and Men in his Generation.
I would also propound
and leave it as an Object of Consideration to our Honoured Magistrates and
Reverend Ministers, Whether the æquity of that Law in Leviticus, Chap. 4, for a
Sin offering for the Rulers and for the Congregation, in the case of Sins of
Ignorance, when they come to be known, be not Obliging, and for direction to us
in a Gospel way.
Now the Father of
Lights and Mercies grant unto us, that Mercy and Truth may meet together, that
righteousness and peace may kiss each other, that the Glory of God may dwell in
our Land; and that it may be said of New England, The Lord Bless thee, O
Habitation of Justice and Mountain of Holiness,
Finally, That the
Blessing of Heaven may go along with this little Treatise to attain the good
Ends thereof, is, and shall be the Prayer of him who is daily waiting for his
Change, and looking for the Mercy of the Lord Jesus Christ unto Eternal Life.
[359]. “Happy the man
whom the perils of others make cautious.”
[360]. “In the 82d year
of his age.” As to the aged senior pastor of Salem see p. 398.
The Holy Scriptures
inform us that the Doctrine of Godliness is a great Mystery, containing the
Mysteries of the Kingdom of Heaven: Mysteries which require great search for
the finding out: And as the Lord hath his Mysteries to bring us to Eternal
Glory; so Satan hath his Mysteries to bring us to Eternal Ruine: Mysteries not
easily understood, whereby the depths of Satan are managed in hidden wayes. So
the Whore of Babylon makes the Inhabitants of the Earth drunk with the Wine of
her Fornication, by the Mystery of her abominations, Rev. 17. 2. And the man of
Sin hath his Mystery of iniquity whereby he deceiveth men through the working
of Satan in signes and lying wonders, 2 Thes. 2. 3, 7, 9.
And among Satans
Mysteries of iniquity, this of Witchcraft is one of the most difficult to be
searched out by the Sons of men; as appeareth by the great endeavours of
Learned and Holy men to search it out, and the great differences that are found
among them, in the rules laid down for the bringing to light these hidden works
of darkness. So that it may seem presumption in me to undertake so difficult a
Theam, and to lay down such rules as are different from the Sentiments of many
Eminent writers, and from the Presidents and practices of able Lawyers; yea and
from the Common Law it self.
But my Apology for this
undertaking is;
1. That there hath been
such a dark dispensation by the Lord, letting loose upon us the Devil, Anno.
1691 and 1692,[361] as we never experienced before: And thereupon apprehending
and condemning persons for Witchcraft; and nextly acquitting others no less
liable to such a charge; which evidently shew we were in the dark, and knew not
what to do; but have gone too far on the one or other side, if not on both.
Hereupon I esteemed it necessary for some person to Collect a Summary of that
affair, with some animadversions upon it, which might at least give some light
to them which come after, to shun those Rocks by which we were bruised, and
narrowly escaped Shipwrack upon. And I have waited five years for some other
person to undertake it, who might doe it better than I can, but find none; and
judge it better to do what I can, than that such a work should be left undone.
Better sincerely though weakly done, then not at all, or with such a byas of
prejudice as will put false glosses upon that which was managed with
uprightness of heart, though there was not so great a spirit of discerning, as
were to be wished in so weighty a Concernment.
2. I have been present
at several Examinations and Tryals, and knew sundry of those that Suffered upon
that account in former years, and in this last affair, and so have more
advantages than a stranger, to give account of these Proceedings.
3. I have been from my
Youth trained up in the knowledge and belief of most of those principles I here
question as unsafe to be used. The first person that suffered on this account
in New-England, about Fifty years since, was my Neighbour, and I heard much of what
was charged upon her, and others in those times; and the reverence I bore to
aged, learned and judicious persons, caused me to drink in their principles in
these things, with a kind of Implicit Faith. Quo semel est imbuta recens
servabit odorem, Testa diu.[362] A Child will not easily forsake the principles
he hath been trained up in from his Cradle.
But observing the
Events of that sad Catastrophe, Anno 1692, I was brought to a more strict
scanning of the principles I had imbibed, and by scanning, to question, and by
questioning at length to reject many of them, upon the reasons shewed in the
ensuing Discourse. It is an approved saying Nihil certius, quam quod ex dubio
fit certum;[363] No truth more certain to a man, than that which he hath
formerly doubted or denied, and is recovered from his error, by the convincing
evidence of Scripture and reason. Yet I know and am sensible, that while we
know but in part, man is apt in flying from a discovered error, to run into the
contrary extream.
Incidit in Scyllam qui
vult vitare Charybdim.[364]
The middle way is
commonly the way of truth. And if any can shew me a better middle way than I
have here laid down, I shall be ready to embrace it: But the conviction must
not be by vinegar or drollery, but by strength of argument.
4. I have had a deep
sence of the sad consequence of mis takes in matters Capital; and their
impossibility of recovering when compleated. And what grief of heart it brings
to a tender conscience, to have been unwittingly encouraging of the Sufferings
of the innocent. And I hope a zeal to prevent for the future such sufferings is
pardonable, although there should be much weakness, and some errors in the
pursuit thereof.
5. I observe the
failings that have been on the one hand, have driven some into that which is
indeed an extream on the other hand, and of dangerous consequences, viz. To
deny any such persons to be under the New Testament, who by the Devils aid
discover Secrets, or do work wonders. Therefore in the latter part of this
discourse, I have taken pains to prove the Affirmative, yet with brevity,
because it hath been done already by Perkins of Witchcraft.[365] Glanvil his
Saducismus Triumphatus,[366] Pt. 1. p. 1 to 90 and Pt. 2. p. 1 to 80. Yet I
would not be understood to justify all his notions in those discourses, but
acknowledge he hath strongly proved the being of Witches.
6. I have special
reasons moving me to bear my testimony about these matters, before I go hence
and be no more; the which I have here done, and I hope with some assistance of
his Spirit, to whom I commit my self and this my labour, even that God whose I
am and whom I serve: Desiring his Mercy in Jesus Christ to Pardon all the
Errors of his People in the day of darkness; and to enable us to fight with
Satan by Spiritual Weapons, putting on the whole Armour of God.
And tho' Satan by his
Messengers may buffet Gods Children, yet there's a promise upon right
Resisting, he shall flee from them, Jam. 4. 7. And that all things shall work
together for the good of those that Love the Lord, Rom. 8. 28. So that I
believe Gods Children shall be gainers by the assaults of Satan, which
occasion'd this Discourse; which that they may, is the Prayer of, Thine in the
Service of the Gospel.
[361]. “1691” because
the troubles began before March 25.
[362]. Literally, “the
fresh-made pot will long retain the odor in which once 'tis steeped.” The line
is from Horace.
[363]. Literally, “nothing
is surer than what out of doubt is made sure.”
[364]. “Into Scylla
falls he who tries to keep clear of Charybdis.”
[365]. See above, p.
304, note 3.
[366]. Saducismus
Triumphatus was the name given Glanvill's book in the enlarged edition (1681) brought
out after the author's death by Henry More. In later impressions the word
becomes Sadducismus. As to Glanvill, see above, p. 5.
Sect. 1. The Angels who
kept not their First Estate, by Sin against God, lost their primitive purity,
and glorious Excellency, as to their moral qualifications, and became unclean,
wicked, envious, lyars, and full of all wickedness, which as Spirits they are
capable of. Yet I do not find in Scripture that they lost their natural
abilities of understanding or power of Operation.
1. As for their
Understanding, they are called Daimon (which we Translate Devil) because they
are full of wisdom, cunning, skill, subtilty and knowledge. He hath also the
name of Serpent from his subtilty, 2 Cor. 11. 3. And his knowledge in the
Scriptures, and wittiness to pervert them, appears by his quoting Scripture to
our Saviour when he tempted him. Mat. 4.
And as there be many
Devils, and these active, quick, swift and piercing Spirits, so they going to
and fro in the earth, and walking up and down in it, have advantages to know
all the actions of the Children of men, both open and secret, their discourses,
consultations, and much of the inward affections of men thereby; though still its
Gods prerogative immediately to know the heart. Jer. 17. 10.
2. As to their natural
power as Spirits, its very great, if not equal to that of the Holy Angels: For,
1. They are called
Principalities and Powers. Rom. 8. 38. Eph. 6. 12. Col. 2. 14, 15, compared
with Heb. 2. 14, 15. Now these are names given to the Holy Angels. Eph. 1. 21,
and 3. 10.
2. They are called,
Rulers of the darkness of this world, the Prince of the power of the Air. Eph.
6. 12 and 2. 2.
3. Such was their power
that they contended with Michael and the Angels about the Body of Moses. 2 Pet.
2. 11. Jude 9. That is, as I conceive, about preventing the Burial of the Body
of Moses: For it's said, Deut. 34. 6, The Lord buried him, and no man knoweth
of his Sepulcher to this day. That is, he did it by the Ministry of Angels (for
the Lord gave the Law, Exod. 20. 1, and that it was by the Ministry of Angels,
see Gal. 3. 19. so probably was the burial of Moses's Body) and the Devils
endeavour if possible, to discover Moses's Body, or place of its burial, that
they might draw Israel to commit Idolatry in worshipping at his Tomb (as our
Popish Fore-fathers did at Thomas Beckets in Kent) from the Veneration they had
to him as their Law giver.
4. The Devils actings
against Job, Chap. 1 and 2, and what he did to the Gadarene Swine, etc., Shew
his great power. So that we may conclude, had the Devils liberty to reveal all
that they know of the affairs of mankind, or to do all that is in their power
to perform, they would bring dreadful confusions and desolations upon the
World.
Sect. 2. The way God
governs Devils is by Chains. 2 Pet. 2. 4. Jude 6 ver. Rev. 20. 1, 2, 7, 8,
whereby they are kept Prisoners. Men are governed by Laws, by convictions of
Conscience. Rom. 2. 12, 13, 14, 15. By Scripture Rules, Humane Laws, and also
by Gods Spirit. 1 John 2. 20. But Devils have no such Laws, or tenderness of
Conscience to bridle or restrain them. But the Lord hath his Chains, which are
called Everlasting, and are always lasting; so that they are never wholly
without a Chain. This Chain is sometimes greater and shorter, other times
lesser and longer, as the Lord pleaseth, for his own Glory, Rev. 20. 1, 2, 7,
8. For as the wrath of man praiseth the Lord, and the remainder of wrath he
doth restrain, Psal. 76. 10, So may we say of the Devils wrath.
Sect. 3. The Devil is
full of malice against man, and frames his designs against him, chiefly to
destroy his Soul, as, 1 Pet. 5. 8, 2 Cor. 11. 3, and other Scriptures
abundantly testify. Hence probably at sometimes he doth not all the hurt to
mans Body that he could, lest thereby he should awaken man to repentance and
prayer; he seeks to keep men in a false peace. Luk. 11. 21. Yet at other times
he disturbs and afflicts men in Body and Estate; as Scripture and experience
shew. Among the Devices Satan useth to ruine man, one is to allure him into
such a familiarity with him, that by Sorceries, Inchantments, Divinations, and
such like, he may lead them Captive at his pleasure. This snare of his we are
warned against, Deut. 18. 10, 11, and in other Scriptures. This Sin of men
hearkening after Satan in these ways, is called Witchcraft; of which it is my
purpose to treat: But first I shall speak something Historically what hath been
done in New England, in prosecution of persons suspected of this Crime.
Sect. 4. Several
persons have been Charged with and suffered for the Crime of Witchcraft in the
Governments of the Massachusetts, New Haven, or Stratford[367] and Connecticut,
from the year 1646 to the year 1692.
Sect. 5. The first was
a Woman of Charlestown, Anno 1647 or 48.[368] She was suspected partly because
that after some angry words passing between her and her Neighbours, some
mischief befel such Neighbours in their Creatures, or the like: partly because
some things supposed to be bewitched, or have a Charm upon them, being burned,
she came to the fire and seemed concerned.
The day of her
Execution, I went in company of some Neighbours,[369] who took great pains to
bring her to confession and repentance. But she constantly professed her self
innocent of that crime: Then one prayed her to consider if God did not bring
this punishment upon her for some other crime, and asked, if she had not been
guilty of Stealing many years ago; she answered, she had stolen something, but
it was long since, and she had repented of it, and there was Grace enough in
Christ to pardon that long agoe; but as for Witchcraft she was wholly free from
it, and so she said unto her Death.
Sect. 6. Another that
suffered on that account some time after, was a Dorchester Woman.[370] And upon
the day of her Execution Mr. Thompson Minister at Brantry,[371] and J. P.[372]
her former Master took pains with her to bring her to repentance, And she
utterly denyed her guilt of Witchcraft: yet justifyed God for bringing her to
that punishment: for she had when a single woman played the harlot, and being
with Child used means to destroy the fruit of her body to conceal her sin and
shame, and although she did not effect it, yet she was a Murderer in the sight
of God for her endeavours, and shewed great penitency for that sin; but owned
nothing of the crime laid to her charge.
Sect. 7. Another
suffering in this kind was a Woman of Cambridge, against whom a principal
evidence was a Water-town Nurse, who testifyed, that the said Kendal (so was
the accused called) did bewitch to Death a Child of Goodman Genings of
Watertown; for the said Kendal did make much of the Child, and then the Child
was well, but quickly changed its colour and dyed in a few hours after. The Court
took this evidence among others, the said Genings not knowing of it. But after
Kendal was Executed (who also denyed her guilt to the Death,) Mr. Rich. Brown
knowing and hoping better things of Kendal, asked said Genings if they
suspected her to bewitch their Child, they answered No. But they judged the
true cause of the Childs Death to be thus, viz. The Nurse had the night before
carryed out the Child and kept it abroad in the Cold a long time, when the red
gum was come out upon it, and the Cold had struck in the red gum, and this they
judged the cause of the Childs death. And that said Kendal did come in that day
and make much of the Child, but they apprehended no wrong to come to the Child
by her. After this the said Nurse was put into Prison for Adultery, and there
delivered of her base Child, and Mr. Brown went to her and told her, It was
just with God to leave her to this wickedness as a Punishment for her Murdering
goody Kendal by her false witness bearing. But the Nurse dyed in Prison, and so
the matter was not farther inquired into.
There was another
Executed, of Boston Anno 1656. for that crime.[373] And two or three of
Springfield, one of which confessed; and said the occasion of her familiarity
with Satan was this: She had lost a Child and was exceedingly discontented at
it and longed; Oh that she might see her Child again! And at last the Devil in
likeness of her Child came to her bed side and talked with her, and asked to
come into the bed to her, and she received it into the bed to her that night
and several nights after, and so entred into covenant with Satan and became a
Witch.[374] This was the only confessor in these times in that Government.
Sect. 8. Another at
Hartford, viz. Mary Johnson, men- tioned in Remarkable Providences, p. 62, 63,[375]
Confessed her self a Witch. Who upon discontent and slouthfulness agreed with
the Devil to do her work for her, and fetch up the Swine. And upon her
immoderate laughter at the running of the Swine, as the Devil drove them, as
she her self said, was suspected and upon examination confessed. I have also
heard of a Girl at New Haven or Stratford, that confessed her guilt.[376] But
all others denyed it unto the death unless one Greensmith, at Hartford.[377]
Sect. 9. But it is not
my purpose to give a full relation of all that have suffered for that Sin, or
of all the particulars charged upon them, which probably is now impossible,
many witnessing Viva voce, those particulars which were not fully recorded. But
that I chiefly intend is to shew the principles formerly acted upon in
Convicting of that Crime; which were such as these.
1. The first great
principle laid down by a person Eminent for Wisdom, Piety and Learning[378]
was; That the Devil could not assume the shape of an innocent person in doing
mischief unto mankind: for if the Lord should suffer him in this he would
subvert the course of humane Justice, by bringing men to suffer for what he did
in their Shapes.
2. Witchcraft being an
habitual Crime, one single witness to one Act of Witchcraft, and another single
witness to another such fact, made two witnesses against the Crime and the
party suspected.
3. There was searching
of the bodies of the suspected for such like teats, or spots (which writers
speak of) called the Devils marks; and if found, these were accounted a
presump- tion at least of guilt in those that had them.
4. I observed that
people laid great weight upon this; when things supposed to be bewitched were
burnt, and the suspected person came to the fire in the time of it.[379]
Although that Eminent person above said[380] condemned this way of tryal, as
going to the Devil to find the Devil.
5. If after anger
between Neighbours mischief followed, this oft bred suspicion of Witchcraft in
the matter. In fine, the presumptions and convictions used in former times were
for substance the same which we may read of in Keeble of the Common Law,[381]
and in Bernard,[382] and other Authors of that subject.
Sect. 10. About 16 or
17 years since was accused a Woman of Newbury,[383] and upon her tryal the Jury
brought her in Guilty. Yet the Governour Simon Bradstreet Esq. and some of the
Magistrates repreived her, being unsatisfyed in the Verdict upon these grounds.
1. They were not
satisfyed that a Specter doing mischief in her likeness, should be imputed to
her person, as a ground of guilt.
2. They did not esteem
one single witness to one fact, and another single witness to another fact, for
two witnesses, against the person in a matter Capital. She being reprived, was
carried to her own home, and her Husband (who was esteemed a Sincere and
understanding Christian by those that knew him) desired some Neighbour
Ministers, of whom I was one, to meet together and discourse his Wife; the
which we did: and her discourse was very Christian among us, and still pleaded
her innocence as to that which was laid to her charge. We did not esteem it
prudence for us to pass any definitive Sentance upon one under her
circumstances, yet we inclined to the more charitable side.
In her last Sickness
she was in much darkness and trouble of Spirit, which occasioned a Judicious
friend to examine her strictly, Whether she had been guilty of Witchcraft, but
she said No: But the ground of her trouble was some impatient and passionate
Speeches and Actions of hers while in Prison, upon the account of her suffering
wrongfully; whereby she had provoked the Lord, by putting some contempt upon
his word. And in fine, she sought her pardon and comfort from God in Christ,
and dyed so far as I understood, praying to and resting upon God in Christ for
Salvation.
Sect. 11. The next that
Suffered was an Irish Woman of Boston,[384] suspected to bewitch John Goodwins
Children, who upon her Tryal did in Irish (as was testified by the
Interpreters) confess her self guilty, and was condemned out of her own mouth;
(as Christ saith, Luk. 19. 22. Out of thine own mouth will I Judge thee.) The
History of which is published by Mr. Cotton Mather, (and attested by the other
Ministers of Boston and Charlstown.) in his Book, Entituled, Memorable
Providences, Printed Anno 1689.[385] Thus far of the History of Witches before
the year, 1692.
[367]. I. e., “New
Haven (or Stratford)”: Hale was not sure (see p. 410) whether the case in mind
was at New Haven or at Stratford. Stratford, though so near New Haven, was
under the Connecticut government. Under that of New Haven there were, so far as
is known, no witch-executions.
[368]. Margaret Jones,
executed at Boston on June 15, 1648. See Winthrop, Journal, II. 344-345 (of the
edition in this series, II. 397 of ed. of 1853), and Poole in Memorial History
of Boston, II. 135-137; also, above, p. 363, note 2 -- for it was doubtless to
Margaret Jones that the resolution as to “watchinge” referred, and it suggests
that her accusation too may have been the outcome of the witch-hunt which had
just been raging in the Puritan counties of England. She was not, as thinks
Hale, the first New England victim; in Connecticut Alse Young was hanged, May
26, 1647.
[369]. The writer was
then a boy of twelve.
[370]. Doubtless that “H.
Lake's wife, of Dorchester, whom,” as Nathaniel Mather in 1684 wrote to his
brother Increase of having heard, “the devill drew in by appearing to her in
the likenes, and acting the part of a child of hers then lately dead, on whom
her heart was much set.” (See Mather Papers, p. 58, and Poole in N. E. Hist.
and Gen. Register, XXIV. 3, note.) Mather had lived in Dorchester prior to his
migration to England, about 1650; but, as he had been in constant communication
with friends in America, it is not at all sure that his knowledge of this case
antedates his leaving. In Hale's account there seems some confusion with the
case of Mary Parsons (p. 410).
[371]. Braintree.
[372]. Probably John
Phillips of Dorchester -- the conjecture is Farmer's.
[373]. Mrs. Ann
Hibbins, widow of one of the foremost men in Boston and said to have been a
sister of Governor Bellingham. (See Records of Massachusetts, IV., pt. 1, p.
269; Hutchinson, Massachusetts, second ed., I. 187-188; Me- morial History of
Boston, II. 138-141.)
[374]. This was the
case of Mary Parsons and her husband Hugh, whom she accused (1651). (See Drake,
Annals of Witchcraft, pp. 64-72, and especially the appended papers of Hugh
Parsons's case, pp. 219-258. The originals of these papers are now in the New
York Public Library. Others, from the Suffolk court files, are printed in the
N. E. Hist. and Gen. Register, XXXV. 152-153.)
[375]. Not in the
Remarkable Providences of Increase Mather, but in the Memorable Providences of
Cotton Mather at the pages named (see above, pp. 135-136).
[376]. Probably that “Goody
Bassett” who was on trial at Stratford in 1651 (Connecticut Records, I. 220),
and of whom we know from testimony given at New Haven in 1654 (New Haven
Records, II. 83) that she was condemned and that she confessed.
[377]. See above, pp.
19-20.
[378]. When in 1669 the
Connecticut court asked the ministers their opinion as to this point, they
answered in almost these words (see Taylor, The Witchcraft Delusion in Colonial
Connecticut, p. 58). This opinion is said to be in the hand- writing of the
Rev. Gershom Bulkeley, the author of Will and Doom. But it does not follow that
he was its author, much less that he was the originator of this dictum.
Whatever its source, it is to be suspected that it had originally nothing to do
with “spectral evidence,” but was only a protest against such pleas as that of
the bishop who, caught under the bed of a nun, maintained later that the cul-
prit was only the Devil impersonating him. On Bulkeley and his rational atti-
tude toward later charges of witchcraft, see his Will and Doom (Conn. Hist.
Soc., Collections, III.), introduction and pp. 233-235.
[379]. See above, p.
239, note 1.
[380]. See above, in
paragraph 1.
[381]. What is meant,
as is clear from Hale's later quotations, is Keble's Assis- tance to Justices.
See above, p. 163, note 2.
[382]. See above, p.
304, note 5.
[383]. Mrs. Morse. See
above, pp. 23-31.
[384]. Goody Glover.
See above, pp. 100 ff.
[385]. See above, pp.
91 ff.
I. In the latter end of
the year 1691,[386] Mr. Samuel Paris, Pastor of the Church in Salem-Village,
had a Daughter of Nine, and a Neice of about Eleven years of Age, sadly
Afflicted of they knew not what Distempers; and he made his application to
Physitians, yet still they grew worse: And at length one Physitian gave his
opinion, that they were under an Evil Hand. This the Neighbours quickly took
up, and concluded they were bewitched. He had also an Indian Man servant, and
his Wife who afterwards confessed, that without the knowledge of their Master
or Mistress, they had taken some of the Afflicted persons Urine, and mixing it
with meal had made a Cake, and baked it, to find out the Witch, as they said.
After this, the Afflicted persons cryed out of the Indian Woman, named Tituba,
that she did pinch, prick, and griev- ously torment them, and that they saw her
here and there, where no body else could. Yea they could tell where she was,
and what she did, when out of their humane sight. These Children were bitten
and pinched by invisible agents; their arms, necks, and backs turned this way
and that way, and returned back again, so as it was impossible for them to do
of themselves, and beyond the power of any Epileptick Fits, or natural Disease
to effect. Sometimes they were taken dumb, their mouths stopped, their throats
choaked, their limbs wracked and tormented so as might move an heart of stone,
to sympathize with them, with bowels of compassion for them. I will not enlarge
in the description of their cruel Sufferings, because they were in all things
afflicted as bad as John Good- wins Children at Boston, in the year 1689. So
that he that will read Mr. Mathers Book of Memorable Providences, page 3, etc.,
may Read part of what these Children, and afterwards sundry grown persons
suffered by the hand of Satan, at Salem Village, and parts adjacent, Anno 1691,
2. Yet there was more in these Sufferings, than in those at Boston, by pins in-
visibly stuck into their flesh, pricking with Irons, (As in part published in a
Book Printed 1693, viz. The Wanders of the Invisible World).[387] Mr. Paris
seeing the distressed condition of his Family, desired the presence of some
Worthy Gentle- men of Salem, and some Neighbour Ministers to consult to- gether
at his House; who when they came, and had enquired diligently into the
Sufferings of the Afflicted, concluded they were preternatural, and feared the
hand of Satan was in them.
II. The advice given to
Mr. Paris by them was, that he should sit still and wait upon the Providence of
God to see what time might discover; and to be much in prayer for the discovery
of what was yet secret. They also Examined Tituba, who confessed the making a
Cake, as is above mentioned, and said her Mistress in her own Country was a
Witch, and had taught her some means to be used for the discovery of a Witch
and for the prevention of being bewitched, etc. But said that she her self was
not a Witch.
III. Soon after this,
there were two or three private Fasts at the Ministers House, one of which was
kept by sundry Neighbour Ministers, and after this, another in Publick at the
Village, and several days afterwards of publick Humiliation, during these
molestations, not only there, but in other Con- gregations for them. And one
General Fast by Order of the General Court, observed throughout the Colony to
seek the Lord that he would rebuke Satan, and be a light unto his people in
this day of darkness.[388]
But I return to the
History of these troubles. In a short time after other persons who were of age
to be witnesses, were molested by Satan, and in their fits cryed out upon
Tituba and Goody O. and S. G.[389] that they or Specters in their Shapes did
grievously torment them; hereupon some of their Village Neighbours complained
to the Magistrates at Salem, desiring they would come and examine the afflicted
and accused to- gether; the which they did: the effect of which examination
was, that Tituba confessed she was a Witch, and that she with the two others
accused did torment and bewitch the com- plainers, and that these with two
others whose names she knew not, had their Witch-meeting together; relating the
times when and places where they met, with many other cir- cumstances to be
seen at large. Upon this the said Tituba and O. and S. G. were committed to Prison
upon suspicion of acting Witchcraft. After this the said Tituba was again ex-
amined in Prison, and owned her first confession in all points, and then was
her self afflicted and complained of her fellow Witches tormenting of her, for
her confession, and accusing them, and being searched by a Woman, she was found
to have upon her body the marks of the Devils wounding of her.
IV. Here were these
things rendred her confession credi- ble. (1.) That at this examination she
answered every ques- tion just as she did at the first. And it was thought that
if she had feigned her confession, she could not have remembred her answers so
exactly. A lyar we say, had need of a good memory, but truth being always
consistent with it self is the same to day as it was yesterday. (2.) She seemed
very peni- tent for her Sin in covenanting with the Devil. (3.) She be- came a
sufferer her self and as she said for her confession. (4.) Her confession
agreed exactly (which was afterwards veri- fied in the other confessors) with
the accusations of the afflicted. Soon after these afflicted persons complained
of other persons afflicting of them in their fits, and the number of the
afflicted and accused began to increase. And the success of Tituba's confession
encouraged those in Authority to examine others that were suspected, and the
event was, that more confessed themselves guilty of the Crimes they were
suspected for. And thus was this matter driven on.
V. I observed in the
prosecution of these affairs, that there was in the Justices, Judges and others
concerned, a con- scientious endeavour to do the thing that was right. And to
that end they consulted the Presidents[390] of former times and precepts laid
down by Learned Writers about Witchcraft. As Keeble on the Common Law, Chapt. Conjuration,
(an Author approved by the Twelve Judges of our Nation.)[391] Also Sir Mathew
Hales Tryal of Witches, Printed Anno 1682.[392] Glan- vils Collection of sundry
tryals in England and Ireland, in the years 1658, 61, 63, 64, and 81.[393]
Bernards Guide to Jurymen,[394] Baxter and R. Burton, their Histories about
Witches and their discoveries.[395] Cotton Mather's Memorable Providences
relating to Witchcrafts, Printed Anno 1689.
VI. But that which
chiefly carried on this matter to such an height, was the increasing of
confessors till they amounted to near about Fifty: and four or six of them upon
their tryals owned their guilt of this crime, and were condemned for the same,
but not Executed. And many of the confessors con- firmed their confessions with
very strong circumstances: As their exact agreement with the accusations of the
afflicted; their punctual agreement with their fellow confessors; their
relating the times when they covenanted with Satan, and the reasons that moved
them thereunto; their Witch meetings, and that they had their mock Sacraments
of Baptism and the Supper, in some of them; their signing the Devils book: and
some shewed the Scars of the wounds which they said were made to fetch blood
with, to sign the Devils book; and some said they had Imps to suck them, and
shewed Sores raw where they said they were sucked by them.
VII. I shall give the
Reader a tast of these things in a few Instances. The Afflicted complained that
the Spectres which vexed them, urged them to set their Hands to a Book
represented to them (as to them it seemed) with threatnings of great torments,
if they signed not, and promises of ease if they obeyed.
Among these D. H.[396]
did as she said (which sundry others confessed afterwards) being overcome by
the extremity of her pains, sign the Book presented, and had the promised ease;
and immediately upon it a Spectre in her Shape afflicted another person, and
said, I have signed the Book and have ease, now do you sign, and so shall you
have ease. And one day this afflicted person pointed at a certain place in the
room, and said, there is D. H., upon which a man with his Rapier struck at the
place, though he saw no Shape; and the Afflicted called out, saying, you have
wounded her side, and soon after the afflicted person pointed at another place,
saying, there she is; whereupon a man struck at the place, and the afflicted
said, you have given her a small prick about the eye. Soon after this, the said
D. H. confessed her self to be made a Witch by signing the Devils Book as above
said; and declared that she had afflicted the Maid that complained of her, and
in doing of it had received two wounds by a Sword or Rapier, a small one about
the eye, which she shewed to the Magistrates, and a bigger on the side of which
she was searched by a discreet woman, who reported, that D. H. had on her side
the sign of a wound newly healed.
This D. H. confessed
that she was at a Witch Meeting at Salem Village, where were many persons that
she named, some of whom were in Prison then or soon after upon suspicion of
Witchcraft: And the said G. B.[397] preached to them, and such a Woman was
their Deacon, and there they had a Sacra- ment.
VIII. Several others
after this confessed the same things with D. H. In particular Goody F.[398]
said (Inter alia[399]) that she with two others (one of whom acknowledged the
same) Rode from Andover to the same Village Witch meeting upon a stick above
ground, and that in the way the stick brake, and gave the said F. a fall:
whereupon, said she, I got a fall and hurt of which I am still sore. I happened
to be present in Prison when this F. owned again her former confession to the
Magistrates. And then I moved she might be further ques- tioned about some
particulars: It was answered, the Magis- trates had not time to stay longer;
but I should have liberty to Examine her farther by my self; The which thing I
did; and I asked her if she rode to the Meeting on a Stick; she said, yea. I
enquired what she did for Victuals; she answered that she carried Bread and
Cheese in her pocket, and that she and the Andover Company came to the Village
before the Meeting began, and sat down together under a tree and eat their
food, and that she drank water out of a Brook to quench her thirst. And that
the Meeting was upon a plain grassy place, by which was a Cart path, and sandy
ground in the path, in which were the tracks of Horses feet. And she also told
me how long they were going and returning. And some time after told me, she had
some trouble upon her spirit, and when I enquired what? she said, she was in
fear that G. B. and M. C.[400] would kill her; for they appeared unto her (in
Spectre, for their persons were kept in other Rooms in the Prison) and brought
a sharp pointed iron like a spindle, but four square, and threatned to stab her
to death with it; because she had confessed her Witchcraft, and told of them,
that they were with her, and that M. C. above named was the person that made
her a Witch. About a month after the said F. took occasion to tell me the same
Story of her fears that G. B. and E. C.[401] would kill her, and that the thing
was much upon her Spirits.
IX. It was not long
before M. L.[402] Daughter of said F. confessed that she rode with her Mother
to the said Witch Meeting, and confirmed the substance of her Mothers Confes-
sion. At another time, M. L. junior the Grand Daughter, aged about seventeen
years, confesseth the substance of what her Grand mother and Mother had
related, and declareth, that when they with E. C.[403] rode on a stick or pole
in the Air, She the said Grand-Daughter with R. C.[404] Rode upon another; (and
she said R. C. acknowledged the same) and that they sat their hands to the
Devils Book. And (inter alia) said, “O Mother, why did you give me to the
Devil?” twice or thrice over. The Mother said, she was sorry at the heart for
it, it was through that wicked one. Her Daughter bid her repent and call upon
God. And said, “Oh Mother, your wishes are now come to pass! for how often have
you wished that the Devil would fetch me away alive?” And then said, “Oh! my
heart will break within me”; Then she wept bitterly, crying out, “O Lord
comfort me, and bring out all the Witches.” And she said to her Grandmother, “O
Grandmother, why did you give me to the Devil? Why did you perswade me, O
Grand- mother do not deny it.” Then the Grandmother gave account of several
things about their confederates and acts of Witch- crafts too long to rehearse.
[386]. I. e., in
February and March of the year we call 1692. As to all this story see above the
parallel narratives of Lawson (pp. 147 ff.) and Calef (pp. 341 ff.).
[387]. See above, pp.
205 ff.
[388]. This fast,
enacted on May 6, was celebrated on May 26, 1692 (Massachu- setts Acts and
Resolves, VII. 459).
[389]. Sarah Osborn and
Sarah Good.
[390]. Precedents.
[391]. See above, p.
163, note 2. “Conjuration” is the heading given by Keble to his section on
witchcraft (pp. 217-220).
[392]. The account is
not Sir Matthew's own, nor yet an official record, but one taken down “for his
own satisfaction” “by a Person then Attending the Court,” and so did not till
1682 find its way into print. As we have seen (p. 215, note 1) it was embodied
by Cotton Mather in his Wonders.
[393]. See above, pp.
5-6.
[394]. See above, p.
304, note 5.
[395]. Baxter's
Certainty of the Worlds of Spirits (1691), really a collection of witch
stories, has been earlier described (p. 98, note 2). The name of “R. Bur- ton,”
or “R. B.,” the pseudonym under which the prolific London publisher Nathaniel
Crouch concealed his identity, is attached to a multitude of chap- books; but
that here in question was undoubtedly his The Kingdom of Darkness (London,
1688), a pictorial “history of dæmons, specters, witches, apparitions,
possessions, disturbances, and other wonderful and supernatural delusions, mis-
chievous feats, and malicious impostures of the Devil,” “together with a
preface obviating the common objections and allegations of the Sadduces and
Atheists of the age.” It is, in other words, a credulous hodge-podge of all the
older witch and devil tales that could be packed into its duodecimo pages;
tales made vivid by its startling frontispiece and the crude but awful woodcuts
that adorn its text.
[396]. Deliverance
Hobbs -- called by error “Deborah” on p. 347. The court record of her
examination may be found in Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 186- 192.
[397]. George
Burroughs.
[398]. Ann Foster. See
above, pp. 244, 366. As her son later alleged, she “suffered imprisonment
twenty-one weeks and upon her Tryall was condemned for supposed witchcraft...
and died in prison.”
[399]. “Among other
things.”
[400]. Martha Carrier.
See above, pp. 241-244.
[401]. Doubtless a
printer's error for M. C. (Martha Carrier).
[402]. Mary Lacy. See
pp. 244, 366. Though condemned, she escaped death.
[403]. Again a misprint
for M. C. (see Mary Lacy's testimony in Records of Salem Witchcraft, II. 140: “her
mother Foster, Goody Carrier and herself rid upon a pole to Salem Village
meeting”).
[404]. Richard Carrier,
son of Martha.
Nextly I will insert
the Confession of a man about Forty years of Age, W. B.,[405] which he wrote
himself in Prison, and sent to the Magistrates, to confirm his former
Confession to them, viz.
God having called me to
Confess my sin and Apostasy in that fall in giving the Devil advantage over me
appearing to me like a Black, in the evening to set my hand to his Book, as I
have owned to my shame. He told me that I should not want so doing. At Salem
Village, there being a little off the Meeting-House, about an hundred five
Blades,[406] some with Rapiers by their side, which was called and might be
more for ought I know by B and Bu.[407] and the Trumpet sounded, and Bread and
Wine which they called the Sacrament, but I had none; being carried over all on
a Stick, never being at any other Meeting. I being at Cart a Saturday last, all
the day, of Hay and English Corn, the Devil brought my Shape to Salem, and did
afflict M. S.[408] and R. F.[409] by clitching my Hand; and a Sabbath day my
Shape afflicted A. M.[410] and at night afflicted M. S. and A. M. E. I.[411]
and A. F.[412] have been my Enticers to this great abomination, as one have
owned and charged her to her Sister with the same. And the design was to
Destroy Salem Village, and to begin at the Ministers House, and to destroy the
Church of God, and to set up Satans Kingdom, and then all will be well. And now
I hope God in some measure has made me something sensible of my sin and
apostasy, begging pardon of God, and of the Honourable Magistrates and all Gods
people, hoping and promising by the help of God, to set to my heart and hand to
do what in me lyeth to destroy such wicked worship, humbly begging the prayers
of all Gods People for me, I may walk humbly under this great affliction and
that I may procure to my self, the sure mercies of David, and the blessing of
Abraham.
Concerning this
Confession. (1) Note it was his own free act in Prison. (2) He saith the Devil
like a Black. This he had before explained to be like a Black man. (3) That on
a certain day was heard in the Air the sound of a Trumpet at Salem Village nigh
the Meeting-House, and upon all enquiry it could not be found that any mortal
man did sound it. (4) The three persons he saith the Devil in his Shape
afflicted, had been as to the times and manner afflicted as he confesseth. (5)
That E. I. confessed as much as W. B. chargeth her with. (6) Many others
confessed a Witch Meeting, or Witch meetings at the Village as well as he.
Note also that these
Confessors did not only witness against themselves, but against one another;
and against many if not all those that Suffered for that Crime. As for example,
when G. B.[413] was Tryed, seven or eight of these Confessors severally called,
said, they knew the said B. and saw him at a Witch-Meeting at the Village, and
heard him exhort the Company to pull down the Kingdom of God, and set up the
Kingdom of the Devil. He denied all, yet said he justified the Judges and Jury
in Condemning of him; because there were so many positive witnesses against him:
But said he dyed by false Witnesses. I seriously spake to one that witnessed
(of his Exhorting at the Witch Meeting at the Village) saying to her; You are
one that bring this man to Death, if you have charged any thing upon him that
is not true, recal it before it be too late, while he is alive. She answered
me, she had nothing to charge her self with, upon that account.
M. C.[414] had to
witness against her, two or three of her own Children, and several of her
Neighbours that said they were in confederacy with her in their Witchcraft.
A. F.[415] Had three of
her Children, and some of the Neighbours, her own Sister, and a Servant, who
confessed themselves Witches, and said, she was in confederacy with them: But
alas, I am weary with relating particulars; those that would see more of this
kind, let them have recourse to the Records.
By these things you see
how this matter was carried on, viz. chiefly by the complaints and accusations
of the Afflicted, Bewitched ones, as it was supposed, and then by the Confessions
of the Accused, condemning themselves, and others. Yet experience shewed that
the more there were apprehended, the more were still Afflicted by Satan, and
the number of Confessors increasing, did but increase the number of the
Accused, and the Executing some, made way for the apprehending of others; for
still the Afflicted complained of being tormented by new objects as the former
were removed. So that those that were concerned, grew amazed at the numbers and
quality of the persons accused and feared that Satan by his wiles had inwrapped
innocent persons under the imputation of that Crime. And at last it was
evidently seen that there must be a stop put, or the Generation of the Children
of God would fall under that condemnation.
Henceforth therefore
the Juries generally acquitted such as were Tried, fearing they had gone too
far before. And Sir William Phips, Governour, Reprieved all that were
Condemned, even the Confessors, as well as others. And the Confessors generally
fell off from their Confessions; some saying, they remembred nothing of what
they said; others said they had belied themselves and others. Some brake Prison
and ran away, and were not strictly searched after, some acquitted, some
dismissed and one way or other all that had been accused were set or left at
liberty.
And although had the
times been calm, the condition of the Confessors might have called for a melius
inquirendum,[416] yet considering the combustion[417] and confusion this matter
had brought us unto; it was thought safer to under do than over do, especially
in matters Capital, where what is once compleated cannot be retrieved: but what
is left at one time, may be corrected at another, upon a review and clearer
discovery of the state of the Case. Thus this matter issued somewhat abruptly.
[405]. William Barker,
of Andover.
[406]. Bravoes.
[407]. Bishop and
Burroughs?
[408]. Martha Sprague.
[409]. Rose Foster.
[410]. Abigail Martin.
[411]. Elizabeth
Johnson. Her daughter, of the same name, was also accused and confessed (see p.
382, note 4, above).
[412]. Abigail Falkner.
She and her sister Elizabeth Johnson were daughters of the Rev. Francis Dane
(or Deane), senior pastor at Andover, who seems from the first to have stood
against the panic and who was largely instrumental in ending it. All those here
accused were Andover folk, neighbors of Barker. See as to them Mrs. Bailey's
chapter on “Witchcraft at Andover” (in her Historical Sketches of Andover).
[413]. George
Burroughs.
[414]. Martha Carrier.
[415]. Abigail Falkner
(see pp. 366, 420). “She was urged,” says the record, “to confes the truth for
the creddit of hir Town,” but “she refused to do it, saying God would not
require her to confess that that she was not guilty of” (Records of Witchcraft,
II. 128-135, where may also be found the evidence against her). She was
condemned, but not executed.
[416]. “Better
investigation” -- i.e., a writ for a fresh inquiry.
[417]. Excitement.
Here was generally
acknowledged to be an error (at least on the one hand) but the Querie is,
Wherein?
[A.] 1. I have heard it
said, That the Presidents[418] in England were not so exactly followed, because
in those there had been previous quarrels and threatnings of the Afflicted by
those that were Condemned for Witchcraft; but here, say they, not so. To which
I answer.
1. In many of these
cases there had been antecedent personal quarrels, and so occasions of revenge;
for some of those Condemned, had been suspected by their Neighbours several
years, because after quarrelling with their Neighbours, evils had befallen
those Neighbours. As may be seen in the Printed Tryals of S. M. and B. B.[419]
and others: See Wonders of the Invisible World, Page 105 to 137.[420] And there
were other like Cases not Printed.
2. Several confessors
acknowledged they engaged in the quarrels of other their confederates to
afflict persons. As one Timothy Swan suffered great things by Witchcrafts, as
he supposed and testifyed. And several of the confessors said they did so torment
him for the sake of one of their partners who had some offence offer'd her by
the said Swan. And others owned they did the like in the behalf of some of
their confederates.[421]
3. There were others
that confessed their fellowship in these works of darkness, was to destroy the
Church of God (as is above in part rehearsed) which is a greater piece of
revenge then[422] to be avenged upon one particular person.
[A.] 2. It may be
queried then, How doth it appear that there was a going too far in this affair.
1. By the numbers of
the persons accused which at length increased to about an hundred and it cannot
be imagined that in a place of so much knowledge, so many in so small a compass
of Land should so abominably leap into the Devils lap at once.
2. The quality of
several of the accused was such as did bespeak better things, and things that
accompany salvation. Persons whose blameless and holy lives before did testify
for them. Persons that had taken great pains to bring up their Children in the
nurture and admonition of the Lord: Such as we had Charity for, as for our own
Souls: and Charity is a Christian duty commended to us. 1 Cor. 13 Chapt., Col.
3. 14, and in many other Scriptures.
3. The number of the
afflicted by Satan dayly increased, till about Fifty persons were thus vexed by
the Devil. This gave just ground to suspect some mistake, which gave advantage
to the accuser of the Brethren[423] to make a breach upon us.
4. It was considerable
[424] that Nineteen were Executed, and all denyed the Crime to the Death, and
some of them were knowing persons, and had before this been accounted blameless
livers. And it is not to be imagined, but that if all had been guilty, some
would have had so much tenderness as to seek Mercy for their Souls in the way of
Confession and sorrow for such a Sin. And as for the condemned confessors at
the Bar (they being reprieved) we had no experience whether they would stand to
their Self-condemning confessions, when they came to dye.
5. When this
prosecution ceased, the Lord so chained up Satan, that the afflicted grew
presently well. The accused are generally quiet, and for five years since, we
have no such molestations by them.
6. It sways much with
me that I have since heard and read of the like mistakes in other places. As in
Suffolk in England about the year 1645 was such a prosecution, until they saw
that unless they put a stop it would bring all into blood and confusion.[425]
The like hath been in France, till 900 were put to Death,[426] And in some
other places the like; So that N. England is not the only place circumvented by
the wiles of the wicked and wisely Serpent in this kind.
Wierus de Prœstigiis
Demonum, p. 678,[427] Relates, That an Inquisitor in the Subalpine Valleys,
enquired after Women Witches, and consumed above an hundred in the Flames, and
daily made new offerings to Vulcan of those that needed Helebore more than
Fire,[428] Until the Country peole rose and by force of Arms hindred him, and
refer the matter to the Bishop. Their Husbands, men of good Faith, affirmed
that in that very time they said of them, that they played and danced under a
tree, they were in bed with them.
R. Burton of Witches,
etc. p. 158,[429] Saith, That in Chelmsford in Essex, Anno 1645, were Thirty
tryed at once before Judge Coniers, and Fourteen of them hanged, and an hundred
more contained in several Prisons in Suffolk and Essex.
If there were an Error
in the proceedings in other places, and in N. England, it must be in the
principles proceeded upon in prosecuting the suspected, or in the
misapplication of the principles made use of. Now as to the case at Salem, I
conceive it proceeded from some mistaken principles made use of; for the
evincing whereof, I shall instance some principles made use of here, and in
other Countrys also, which I find defended by learned Authors writing upon that
Subject.[430]
[418]. Precedents.
[419]. Susannah Martin
and Bridget Bishop.
[420]. At pp. 223-236,
above.
[421]. Timothy Swan,
aged thirty, died early in February, 1692/3 (N. E. Hist. and Gen. Reg., II.
380; Mrs. Bailey, Historical Sketches of Andover, p. 237).
[422]. Than.
[423]. I. e., Satan
(see Rev. xii. 10).
[424]. Deserving of
consideration.
[425]. The famous
witch-hunt in which Matthew Hopkins was the leading spirit (1645-1646).
[426]. What is in
thought is doubtless the boast of Nicolas Remy (Remigius), on the title-page of
his Dœmonolatreia (1595), that his book rests on the trials of nine hundred,
put to death for witchcraft within fifteen years; but this was in Lorraine, not
yet a part of France, though in close relations with it.
[427]. Lib. VI., cap.
20, of this notable book by which the eminent Rhenish physician Wierus (Johann
Weyer, 1515-1588) gave to the zeal of the witch-haters its first effective
check. This passage, however, he borrows bodily from the Parergon Juris (VIII.
22) of an earlier opponent of witch persecution, the Italian jurist Andrea
Alciati.
[428]. I. e., those
crazed more than criminal: hellebore was counted a cure for insanity.
[429]. See p. 416, note
5. “Burton” has merely inserted into his Kingdom of Darkness (pp. 148-159) the
contents of the contemporary True and Exact Relation (1645) which narrates this
Essex persecution.
[430]. The following
chapters (V.-XVII.) are devoted to the nature of witchcraft and the proper
means for its detection.
I shall conclude this
Discourse with some Application of the whole.
1. We may hence see
ground to fear, that there hath been a great deal of innocent blood shed in the
Christian World, by proceeding upon unsafe principles, in condemning persons
for Malefick Witchcraft.[431]
2. That there have been
great sinful neglects in sparing others, who by their divinings about things
future, or discovering things secret, as stollen Goods, etc., or by their
informing of persons and things absent at a great distance, have implored the
assistance of a familiar spirit, yet coloured over with specious pretences, and
have drawn people to enquire of them: A sin frequently forbidden in Scripture,
as Lev. 19. 31 and 20. 6, Isa. 8. 19, 20. and yet let alone, and in many parts
of the World, have been countenanced in their diabolical skill and profession;
because they serve the interest of those that have a vain curiosity, to pry
into things God hath forbidden, and concealed from discovery by lawful means.
And of others that by their inchantments, have raised mists, strange sights,
and the like, to beget admiration, and please Spectators, etc., When as[432]
these divinations and operations are the Witchcraft more condemned in Scripture
than the other.
3. But to come nigher
home, we have cause to be humbled for the mistakes and errors which have been
in these Colonies, in their Proceedings against persons for this crime, above
fourty years ago and downwards, upon insufficient presumptions and
presidents[433] of our Nation, whence they came. I do not say, that all those
were innocent, that suffered in those times upon this account. But that such
grounds were then laid down to proceed upon, which were too slender to evidence
the crime they were brought to prove; and thereby a foundation laid to lead
into error those that came after. May we not say in this matter, as it is,
Psal. 106. 6. We have sinned with our fathers? And as, Lam. 5. 7. Our fathers
have sinned and are not, and we have born their iniquities? And whether this be
not one of the sins the Lord hath been many years contending with us for, is
worthy our serious enquiry. If the Lord punished Israel with famine three years
for a sin of misguided zeal fourty years before that, committed by the breach
of a Covenant made four hundred years before that: 2 Sam. 21. 1, 2, Why may not
the Lord visit upon us the misguided zeal of our Predecessors about Witchcraft
above fourty years ago, even when that Generation is gathered to their Fathers.
4. But I would come yet
nearer to our own times, and bewail the errors and mistakes that have been in
the year 1692. In the apprehending too many we may believe were innocent, and
executing of some, I fear, not to have been condemned; by following such
traditions of our fathers, maxims of the Common Law, and Presidents2 and
Principles, which now we may see weighed in the balance of the Sanctuary, are
found too light. I heartily concur with that direction for our publick prayers,
emitted December 17, 1696, by our General Assembly, in an order for a general
Fast, viz. “That God would shew us what we know not, and help us wherein we
have done amiss, to do so no more: And especially that whatever mistakes on
either hand, have been fallen into, either by the body of this people, or any
order of men, referring to the late tragedy raised among us by Satan and his
Instruments, through the awful Judgment of God: He would humble us therefore,
and pardon all the errors of his Servants and People, that desire to love his
Name, and be attoned to his land.” I am abundantly satisfyed that those who
were most concerned to act and judge in those matters, did not willingly depart
from the rules of righteousness. But such was the darkness of that day, the
tortures and lamentations of the afflicted, and the power of former presidents,
that we walked in the clouds, and could not see our way. And we have most cause
to be humbled for error on that hand, which cannot be retrieved. So that we
must beseech the Lord, that if any innocent blood hath been shed, in the hour
of temptation, the Lord will not lay it to our charge, but be merciful to his
people whom he hath redeemed, Deut. 21. 8, And that in the day when he shall
visit, he will not visit this sin upon our land, but blot it out, and wash it
away with the blood of Jesus Christ.
5. I would humbly
propose whether it be not expedient, that some what more should be publickly
done then[434] yet hath, for clearing the good name and reputation of some that
have suffered upon this account, against whom the evidence of their guilt was
more slender, and the grounds for charity for them more convincing. And this
(in order to our obtaining from the Lord farther reconciliation to our land,)
and that none of their surviving relations, may suffer reproach upon that
account. I have both read and heard of several in England, that have been
executed for Capital crimes, and afterwards upon sence of an error in the
process against them, have been restored in blood and honour by some publick
act. My Lord Cook[435] relates a story. A man going to correct a Girle his
Neice, for some offence, in an upper room, the Girle strove to save her self,
till her nose bled, and wiping it with a cloath, threw the bloody cloath out at
the window, and cryed Murder; and then ran down staires, got away and hid her
self. Her Uncle was prosecuted by her friends upon suspicion of Murdering her,
because she could not be found. He declared that she made her escape, as above
said. Then time was allowed him to bring her forth, but he could not hear of
her within the time, and fearing he should dy if she could not be found,
procures another Girle very like her, to appear in Court, and declare she was
his Neice that had been missing: But her relations examine this counterfeit,
until they find her out, and she confesseth she was suborned and counterfeited
the true Neice. Upon these presumptions the man was found guilty of Murdering
his Neice, and thereupon executed. And after his execution his true Neice comes
abroad and shews her self alive and well. Then all that saw it were convinced
of the Uncles innocency, and vanity of such presumptions. The Printing and
Publishing of this relation Vindicates the good name of the Uncle, from the
imputation of the crime of Murder. And this is one end of this present
discourse, to take off (so far as a discourse of this nature can) infamy from
the names and memory of such sufferers in this kind, as do not deserve the
same.
6. Here it may be
suitable for us to enquire, What the Lord speaks to us by such a stupendeous
providence, in his letting loose Satan upon us in this unusual way? Ans. 1. We
may say of this, as our Saviour said of his washing his disciples feet, Joh.
13. What I do thou knowest not now, but thou shalt know hereafter. The
Judgments of the Lord are a great deep, Psal. 36. 6. How unsearchable are his
judgments, and his ways past finding out. 2. Yet somewhat of his counsel at
present for our instruction may be known, by comparing the Word and works of
God together.
1. As when Joshua the
high Priest though an holy chosen man of God, stood before the Angel, Satan
stood at his right hand to resist him, or to be his adversary: And the advantage
Satan had was by the filthy garments Joshua was clothed with before the Angels:
That is, some iniquity which yet was not passed away, Zech. 3. 1, 3, 4. So we
may say here were among Gods own Children filthy garments. The sins of
Lukewarmness, loss of our first love, unprofitableness under the Gospel,
slumbering and sleeping in the wise, as well as foolish Virgins, worldliness,
pride, carnal security, and many other sins. By these and such like sins the
accuser of the Brethren got advantage to stand at our right hand (the place of
an Accuser in Courts of Justice) and there accuse us and resist us.
2. When the Egyptians
refused to let Israel go to sacrifice and keep a feast to the Lord in the
Wilderness: The Lord cast upon [them] the fierceness of his wrath, by sending
Evil Angels among them, Psal. 78. 49. Egypts sins were (1.) Coveteousness; they
would not let Israel go, because they gained by their labours. (2.) Contempt of
God and his Instituted Worship, and Ordinances. They did not count them of such
concernment, that Israel should go into the Wilderness to observe them. Both
these sins have too much increased in our Land. (1.) Coveteousness, an
inordinate love of the World gave Satan advantage upon us. (2.) Contempt of
Gods Worship and Instituted Ordinances. The Errand of our Fathers into this
Wilderness, was to Sacrifice to the Lord; that is, to worship God in purity of
heart and life, and to wait upon the Lord, walking in the faith and order of
the Gospel in Church fellowship; that they might enjoy Christ in all his
Ordinances. But these things have been greatly neglected and despised by many
born, or bred up in the Land. We have much forgotten what our Fathers came into
the Wilderness to see. The sealing Ordinances of the Covenant of Grace in
Church-Communion have been much slighted and neglected; and the fury of this
Storm raised by Satan hath fallen very heavily upon many that lived under these
neglects. The Lord sends Evil Angels to awaken and punish our negligence: And
to my knowledge some have been hereby excited to enter into the Chamber of Gods
Ordinances, to hide themselves, until the indignation be over past.
3. David when he
removed the Ark from Kirjathjearim, had the Ark put into a new Cart, which
should have been carried by the Kohathites. Numb. 3. 31. And David thought this
was right, until the Lord slew Uzza for touching the Ark: But then he looked
more exactly into the will of God; and confesseth that the Lord made a breach
upon them, because they sought him not after the due order, 1 Chron. 13. 5, 7,
9, 10, and 15. 11, 12, 13. Had not the Lord made that breach upon them, they
had persisted securely in their error. So I may say in this case. In the
prosecution of Witchcraft, we sought not the Lord after the due order; but have
proceeded after the methods used in former times and other places, until the
Lord in this tremendous way made a breach upon us. And hereby we are made
sensible that the methods formerly used are not sufficient to prove the guilt
of such a crime. And this I conceive was one end of the Lords letting Satan
loose to torment and accuse so many; that hereby we may search out the truth
more exactly. For had it not been for this dreadful dispensation, many would
have lived and dyed in that error, which they are now convinced of.
4. The Lord delivered
into the hand of Satan the Estate, Children, and Body of Job, for the tryal of
Jobs faith and patience, and proof of his perfection and uprightness. So the
Lord hath delivered into Satans hand mens Children and Bodies, yea names and
estates into Satans hand for the tryal of their faith and patience, and farther
manifestation of the sincerity of their professions.
7.[436] From that part
of the discourse which shews the power of Satan to torment the bodies, and
disturb the minds of those, he is let loose upon, Chap. 6, I would infer, that
Satan may be suffered so to darken the minds of some pious Souls, as to cause
them to destroy themselves by drowning, hanging, or the like. And when he hath
so far prevailed upon some, that formerly lived a Christian life, but were
under the prevalency of a distracting Melancholy at their latter end, We may
have Charity that their Souls are Saved, notwithstanding the sad conclusion of
their lives. I speak not to excuse any that having the free use of their reason
willingly destroy themselves, out of pride, discontent, impatience, etc.
Achitophel who out of height of Spirit because his Counsel was not followed,
and to prevent Davids executing of him, for his rebellion and treason,
destroyed himself, hath left his name to stink unto all generations.[437] And
Judas who for his unparalelled treachery in betraying his Master, and the Lord
of life, was justly left to hange himself; and the rope breaking or slipping he
fell down head long, or with his face down ward, so that he burst asunder in
the midst, and all his bowels gushed out, Math. 27. 5. with Act. 1. 13, left by
his sin and punishment in the last act of his life the black character of a Son
of perdition. But those that being out of their right minds, and hurried by an
evil Spirit, as persons under a force to be their own executioners, are not
always to be ranked with these.
8. Seeing we have been
too fierce against supposed Malefick Witchcraft, let us take heed we do not on
the contrary become too favourable to divining Witchcraft: And become like Saul
who was too zealous against the Gibeonites, and at last turned to seek after
one that had a familiar Spirit, to his own destruction. Let us not, if we can
help it, suffer Satan to set up an ensuring office for stolen Goods. That after
he hath brought the curse of God into the house of the thief, by tempting him
to steal, he may not bring about the curse into the houses of them from whom
the goods were stolen, by alluring them to go to the god of Ekron to enquire.
That men may not give their Souls to the Devil in exchange, for his restoring
to them their goods again, in such a way of divination. The Lord grant it may
be said of New England, as is prophecyed of Judah, Mic. 5. 12. I will cut off
Witchcrafts out of thine hand, and thou shalt have no more soothsayers.
9. Another extream we
must beware of, is, viz. Because our fathers in the beginning times of this
Land, did not see so far into these mysteries of iniquity, as hath been since
discovered, Let us not undervalue the good foundations they laid for God and
his people, and for us in Church and Civil Government. For Paul that eminent
Apostle knew but in part; no wonder then, if our Fathers were imperfect men. In
the purest times in Israel, there were some Clouds of ignorance over-shadowing
of them. Abraham, David, and the best Patriarchs were generally ignorant of the
sin of Polygamy. And although Solomon far exceeded Nehemiah in wisdom; yet
Nehemiah saw farther into the evil of Marrying Outlandish Women, than that
wisest of Kings, and meer fallen men. Neh. 13. 26. Josiah kept the Passeover
more exactly, than David, and all the Reforming Kings of Judah, 2 Chron. 35.
18.
All the godly Judges
and Kings of Judah were unacquainted with, and so negligent of the right
observation of the feast of Tabernacles, until it came to Nehemiahs time: And
he understood and revived an ordinance of God, that lay buried in oblivion,
near about a thousand years. Now he that shall reject all the good in doctrine
and practice, which was maintained, professed and practiced by so many Godly
leaders, because of some few errors found among them, will be found to fight
against God. A dwarf upon a giants shoulders, can see farther than the giant.
It was a glorious
enterprize of the beginners of these Colonies, to leave their native Country to
propagate the Gospel: And a very high pitch of faith, zeal, and courage that
carryed them forth, to follow the Lord into this wilderness, into a land that
was not sown. Then was New England holiness to the Lord, and all that did
devour them, or attempted so to do, did offend, and evil did come upon them.
And the Lord did graciously remember this kindness of their Youth, and love of
their Espousals; In granting them many eminent tokens of his favour; by his
presence with them in his Ordinances, for the Conversion of Souls, and edifying
and comforting the hearts of his Servants: By signal answering their prayers in
times of difficulty: By protecting them from their Enemies; By guiding of, and
providing for them in a Desart. And the Lord will still remember this their
kindness unto their Posterity, unless that by their Apostasy from the Lord,
they vex his Holy Spirit, to turn to be their Enemy: And thereby cut off the
Entail of his Covenant Mercies; which God forbid. Oh that the Lord may be with
us, as he was with our Fathers; and that he may not leave us, nor forsake us!
[431]. “Black Witches,
or Malefick Witches,” explains Hale a little earlier, are those “who by their
enchantments do call in the Devils aid, for revenge, to do hurt to the bodies
and health of their neighbours, or to their cattle, goods, and the like. These
are the persons commonly called Witches, and against whom the spirits of men
and the laws of men are most bent, for their prosecution and punishment.”
[432]. I. e., “whenas”:
whereas.
[433]. Precedents.
[434]. Than.
[435]. Sir Edward Coke.
[436]. Such is the
numbering of the original.
[437]. The story of
Ahithophel is to be found in II Samuel xv.-xvii.
THE VIRGINIA CASE OF
GRACE SHERWOOD, 1706